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Lhc Acur I lark Cr'imcs May 8, 2013
Economists See Deficit Emphasis as
Impeding Recovery
President °bum cl SU id List v..trek that the only way to fix the economy was for both parties to sit down and say, "How are we
going to make sure that we're reducing our deficit sensibly?'
By JACKIE CALMES and JONATHAN WEISMAN
WASHINGTON — The nation's unemployment rate would probably be nearly a point lower,
roughly 6.5 percent, and economic growth almost two points higher this year if Washington had
not cut spending and raised taxes as it has since 2011, according to private-sector and
government economists.
After two years in which President Obama and Republicans in Congress have fought to a draw
over their clashing approaches to job creation and budget deficits, the consensus about the result
is clear: Immediate deficit reduction is a drag on full economic recovery.
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Without austerity Hardly a day goes by when either government analysts or the
measures w macroeconomists and financial forecasters who advise investors
and businesses do not report on the latest signs of economic
growth — in housing, consumer spending, business investment.
Actual and And then they add that things would be better but for the fiscal
projections policy out of Washington. Tax increases and especially spending
cuts, these critics say, take money from an economy that still needs some stimulus now, and is
getting it only through the expansionary monetary policy of the Federal Reserve.
"Fiscal tightening is hurting," Ian Shepherdson, chief economist of Pantheon Macroeconomic
Advisors, wrote to clients recently. The investment bank Jefferies wrote of "ongoing fiscal
mismanagement" in its midyear report on Tuesday, and noted that while the recovery and
expansion would be four years old next month, reduced government spending "has detracted
from growth in five ofpast seven quarters."
That period roughly coincides with the time that Mr. Obama and Congressional Republicans
have shared governance since Republicans took control of the House in 2011, promising an
immediate $100 billion in spending cuts. Republicans did not get that much then, but the series
of budget compromises with the president since — while not so great as they wanted — will
soon reduce annual discretionary spending for domestic and military programs to the lowest
level in half a century.
As for revenues, Mr. Obama forced Republicans to acquiesce in January to higher taxes from
wealthy Americans. But worse, in the macroeconomists' view, both parties agreed not to extend
a two-year-old cut in Americans' payroll taxes for Social Security, reducing their spending
money.
In all this time, the president has fought unsuccessfully to combine deficit reduction, including
spending cuts and tax increases, with spending increases and targeted tax cuts for job-creation
initiatives in areas like infrastructure, manufacturing, research and education. That is a formula
closer to what the economists propose. But Republicans have insisted on spending cuts alone and
smaller government as the key to economic growth.
The results, Mr. Obama has taken to saying, despite his complicity, are "self-inflicted wounds."
"The only way the problem does get fixed is if both parties sit down and they say, `How are we
going to make sure that we're reducing our deficit sensibly?' " he said last week at a news
conference. "How are we making sure that we're investing in things like rebuilding our airports
and our roads and our bridges, and investing in early childhood education, basic research — all
the things that are going to help us grow?"
Mr. Obama added, "I cannot force Republicans to embrace those common-sense solutions."
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Speaker John A. Boehner stood by the Republicans' policies during a session Tuesday with
reporters. "After four years of mediocre job creation, it's obvious that we don't need more tax
hikes and more government spending," he said. "We need smarter policies to make America
more competitive and expand opportunities for everyone in our country."
"We're the ones pushing this town to do the right thing when it comes to the economy and jobs,"
Mr. Boehner added.
The Federal Open Market Committee, which sets policy for the central bank, noted signs of
improvement in the private sector last week in a statement. "But fiscal policy is restraining
economic growth," it added, echoing public comments that Ben S. Bernanke, the Fed chairman,
has made for months. In April, the International Monetary Fund said the United States would
achieve further growth "in the face of a very strong, indeed overly strong, fiscal consolidation."
Thursday will capture as plainly as any day lately the differing approaches of Mr. Obama and
Republicans toward the economy and government's role.
Mr. Obama plans to travel to Austin, Tex., to visit technology students, workers and
entrepreneurs and promote his ideas to support efforts like theirs — the kind of initiatives that
Republicans have blocked.
House Republicans expect to pass a measure that would allow the Treasury to "prioritize" debt
payments if Congress and Mr. Obama cannot agree this year to increase the nation's debt ceiling
so the Treasury can keep borrowing money to pay all creditors. Under the bill, as tax receipts
came in, the first priority would be paying creditors — like China, Democratic opponents argue
— and second would be Social Security checks. But the measure would likely die in the
Democratic-controlled Senate.
The "prioritization" proposal first arose in 2011 from among the most conservative House
Republicans, those who were driving hardest against the White House on raising the debt ceiling
and expressing unconcern about default, but it has now become mainstream in the House ranks.
Economists and financial analysts generally dismiss the idea as unworkable if not dangerous, and
count on Democrats to block it. Gregory Daco, a senior principal economist at IHS Global
Insight, said the Republicans' proposal was the kind that caused his clients to ignore the fiscal
policy out of Washington, and rely instead on the Fed to buttress the recovery.
"Whenever I talk to our customers or clients, they sort of brush off everything that's related to
fiscal policy," Mr. Daco said. "The view is, `Oh, it doesn't matter.' That's what I hear a lot."
"What we try to convey is that it does matter," he said. "It is important in terms of growth. It's
also important in terms of confidence."
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He noted that the economy was much stronger than Europe's largely because the United States
initially opted for stimulus measures and allowed deficits to increase when the recession and
financial crisis hit five years ago. European governments pursued austerity policies to cut their
debts, further stalling economic activity and in turn inflating deficits.
The more recent austerity policies here are helping to bring annual deficits down, as a new report
of the Congressional Budget Office shows, after four years of trillion-dollar shortfalls. Yet many
analysts would prefer that the measures had been timed for when the economy is strong and
unemployment below 7 percent.
"While I agree that the U.S. must get its fiscal house in order," Jerry Webman, chief economist
at OppenheimerFunds, wrote, "I join the likes of the I.M.F. in cautioning that too much austerity,
too soon, is likely counterproductive."
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