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It's an absurdly vast house, among the largest in
Manhattan, but the dining room is windowless, creating
a hermetic or stop-time sense, broken only by the
household staff ferrying in time-of-day-appropriate
foods and beverages.
In sweatshirt, draw-string pants, palm beach
slippers, and half glasses, Jeffrey Epstein sits at the head
of the table. He spends most of his day in the dining
room in front of a laptop and beside a row of reading
glasses (there are a lot of them in case, apparently, he
misplaces a pair, but being quite meticulous he never
does) advising or instructing a startling collection of the
rich and powerful, who are slotted in on an hourly basis.
The apartness of Epstein's dining room might seem
to offer some buffer for a super rich man who attends to
even more fabulously rich men (and the occasional
extremely rich woman). But with the paparazzi often
posted near by, the outside world seems dangerously
close too. Once I arrived for a visit and found several
police cars blocking the street and thought the worst—
they'd come for Jeffrey. But it was a security detail for a
controversial head of state who was visiting him.
His subject, on this morning in early November
during a set of interviews he's agreed to have with me
about his life and views, is "hyper wealth." His subject
is always wealth—how capital should react to the given
global political, economic, and cultural moment. The
baronial quality of the dining room is disturbed only by
an ever-present white board, whereon he scribbles
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calculations and notes, a tool he uses to conduct one of
the world's most rarified economics class, attended
often by the world's finance ministers and foremost
economists.
His stock in trade is not precisely the making of
money, but the issues that arise when money, at a
heretofore unimaginable rate, makes itself, altering
many basic economic, social, and personal calculations.
He recounts a dinner he had two nights before. The
scene is, like much of what he does, a conspiracy
theorist's fantasy. The six men at this dinner, all
technology entrepreneurs, represented, together, several
hundred billion dollars and they are deciding how to use
it to alter the world to their liking.
"In the past, only governments had this kind of
money, money of a reality altering scale," says Epstein
conversationally, but making a pedagogical point. "In
fact, it used to be that the rich, reaching a certain point
of philanthropy, merely hoped to help make the world a
better place, now they want to change the world.
Rockefeller and Carnegie were, as examples of social-
engineering philanthropy, unique. They alone had such
resources and will. Now you have legions of people who
have to give away vastly larger fortunes than
Rockefeller or Carnegie had at their disposal, or might
even have imagined.
"Except that it's actually hard to give away this
kind of wealth, without unintended consequences that
can cause more problems than you're solving."
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Epstein's long-time business thesis is that the rich
know very little about money. They may know about
their own businesses, but the great sums that are the
result are ultimately an afterthought and demand an
entirely different sort of intellectual discipline. The
Forbes 400, says Epstein, not immune to an amount of
wonder, increased their wealth by $500 billion last year,
meaning, in effect, that on average every Forbes-list
billionaire makes more than another billion every year.
And, points out the 62-year-old Epstein, they will
almost all be dead in 40 years, most well before that,
meaning $4.2 trillion, compounding everyday, will have
to be given away. "So, to understand the future, what
you have to begin to do is follow the money, not in
Watergate-like terms backwards, as in who has gotten it,
but forwards to where it will go and who will get it."
Epstein can find himself echoing aspects of
Thomas Piketty on the inequities of the accumulation of
wealth ("the divide is between people with assets, which
appreciate, and people without assets, who fail to
advance—that is, of course, the miracle of compounded
interest"), except for the fact that Epstein, knowing the
rich, understands a point that Piketty doesn't: "Nobody,
nobody, wants to give it all to their children. Everybody
now has the modern appreciation that one of the curses
of great wealth is that it can make your kids weird and
fucked up."
Epstein's position in this private allotment of a
decent fraction of the U.S. Gross Domestic Product is
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not as a philanthropist but as a sort of adviser or guru or
brain—a rich whisperer—making him, in addition to
rich himself, arguably among the most influential people
you've never heard of.
Though, likely, you have heard of him—not for his
prowess with high abstraction, but for a scandal of such
luridness that he is, for a great many, the poster child for
the lawlessness of privilege. He is that Epstein, sent to
jail in 2008 in Palm Beach on a prostitution charge,
based on the complaints of over a dozen underage girls,
with, ever since, periodic reminders of his notoriousness
in the tabloid press.
And yet the mighty and powerful, disregarding his
sex offender status, have still beat a path to his door. It's
a fantastic conclave of influence in his dining room:
financiers, billionaires, heads of state, economic
ministers. This includes, hardly least of all, Bill Gates,
for whom Epstein has become a key advisor. [TKTK
WHAT HE IS DOING FOR THE BILL AND
MELINDA GATES FOUNDATION.]
Hence, as part of an effort to get "out in front" of
the notice that might be expected to greet Gates' public
association with him, Epstein—who I first met in 2002
as part of a group of TED partcipatants he was ferrying
on his plan to west coast—agreed in early fall to these
on the record conversations with me.
When we began to talk for this piece, Epstein was
still hoping that, beyond his private confines, he might
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finally, five years after his release from prison, be able
to start rebuilding his public reputation.
Then, just before the New Year, Epstein forwarded
me a heads-up email that Alan Dershowtiz, one of
Epstein's longtime friends—they have a bickering
brotherly relationship—and occasional legal advisors,
had received from a reporter at Politico. The Politico
reporter had been following Epstein-related court filings
and found a new one added to an old lawsuit with some
rather jaw-dropping claims. The civil filing, based on
claims of one of the plaintiffs, purported to connect a
catch-all of bold-faced names associated with Epstein
more than a decade ago, including Dershowtiz and
Britain's Prince Andrew, to a "sex slave" ring, and .
claimed that Epstein's alleged sex slaves had been
forced on Epstein's command to have sex with
Dershowitz and the Prince.
Epstein, who sometimes seems to have an out-of-
body attitude toward his own fate and bad press, said
that while the claims were ludicrous—putting
Dershowitz among sex slaves, he said, ought to point
out just how ludicrous—he thought it might provoke
"quite a show." In short order, Prince Andrew's alleged
involvement sent the U.K. into tabloid frenzy (even the
normally sniffy Guardian, in full anti- royal and anti-
billionaire fever, joined in), which then effectively
exported the story back to the U.S., where Epstein's
now-long-defunct connection to Bill Clinton, suddenly
became a shadow over Hillary, and hence big news.
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"I told you," said Epstein.
There is Epstein in his inner world, trying, ostrich like,
not to look out. Little beyond his strict realm seems
palatable or even all that familiar to him. Not long ago,
when I met him for lunch in the West Village, he noted
that he hadn't been out to lunch in a restaurant in 10
years.
Then there is the outside world pressed to the glass,
appalled and titillated by the monster inside the big
house, with press accounts recycling the mysterious
billionaire mythology—a man of vast and unsourced
riches living in a parallel universe of absolute
entitlement—and offering brief glimpses of him
stepping out of the house (the same photos endlessly
republished), and suggesting depravity inside.
In fact, the life in the house, without wife or
children or conventional domestic demeanor, in some
way conforms to the most scripted fantasies: a life
somewhere between Daddy Warbucks and Eyes Wide
Shut. There is indeed a group of young women who act
as Epstein's support staff and companions. Some have
worked for him for many years, marrying, having
children, and continuing as part of his business and
household infrastructure. One woman, on an afternoon
when I was there, had just returned from an around-the-
world honeymoon that Epstein had arranged for her.
Some are, or have been, his romantic interests. His
present girlfriend, whom he met four years ago at a
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dinner party in New York, is in dental school. One
former girlfriend, Eva Andersson Dubin, a Swedish
model and Miss Universe finalist whom Epstein has
known for more than thirty years, became a doctor—
Epstein sent her to medical school—and married hedge
funder Glen Dubin. Together they finance the Dubin
Breast Center at Mount Sinai Hospital. Most of the
women at one time will travel with Epstein to his other
floating residences—the ranch in New Mexico, a vast
apartment in Paris, the island in the Caribbean, the
house in Palm Beach.
Epstein will sometimes move a meeting that starts
in his dining room outside for a walk in the park—his
idea of going out to lunch is a Sabrett's hot dog. The
various girls in the house become the accompanying
entourage, as though something out of an 18th-century
French court.
But the Hefnerian prurience can also be quite
businesslike: poised young women in a mansion on the
Upper East Side with various office responsibilities are
really not that different from any of the art galleries in
the surrounding neighborhood. They mingle freely with
his powerful guests, not so much as hostesses—or, in
tabloid language, harem-like "sex slaves"—but as
attentive students (which, of course, might be regarded
as having its own fetish-like attraction). Epstein
explicitly denies that there is an sexual quid pro quo.
("There an expression that if you're fucking someone
you work with they can come in late. It's not my
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expression, it's Jimmy Goldsmith's.") Still, the constant
attendance of so many comely young women—
especially given his past conviction—seems so outside
of conventional living or staffing or social or romantic
relationships that it is hard to describe in a
straightforward or straight-faced way. And while it may
be part of the appeal for the men who come to visit
Epstein, it is as well a pecularity they put up with in
order to spend time with him. It sometimes seems part
of Epstein's implicit challenge: not just look at me, but
do you even believe what you see? Or it seems he is just
oblivious to what others are thinking. A willful and
perhaps fatal tone deafness.
The Epstein house/office is, by careful design,
exclusive and clubby, part hang out, part secret society.
Along with the difficulty in explaining why, even after
his jail term, the rich and powerful have continued to so
eagerly solicit him, it's also notable in the fixed
hierarchy of who comes to whose turf, that when they
went to see Epstein, they tend to comes to him.
He's created a world and you come to it.
A week in late September—U.N. week as it
happened—began, over Sunday lunch, at Epstein's
house with a colloquial for billionaires: Gates, Mort
Zuckerman, the real estate billionaire and own of the
Daily News, and Peter Thiel, the PayPal co-founder and
early Facebook investor. [DISCUSSION?].
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Epstein, preternaturally responsive to both the price
of oil and to the politics of the Middle East, entertained
that evening a delegation from Qatar, including Sheikh
Hamad Bin Jassim, the foreign minister. Hamad ,
indeed, lives across the street in a similarly furnished
house—he and Epstein have the same decorator.
Epstein, in his relaxed and amused manner, kept
prodding: "Why are you financing the bad guys? What
do you get out of that?" The Qatarians, in some mild
diplomatic discomfort, seemed most worried that their
bid for the World Cup might be compromised by
bribery allegations.
At 9 the next morning, Epstein was joined for
breakfast in the dining room by Reid Weingarten, who's
represented, among other fat cats in trouble,
Worldcom's Bernie Ebbers and Goldman Sach's Lloyd
Blankfein, and is one of attorney general Eric Holder's
closest friends. Weingarten, hoarse, with a cold, and
dejected, is just back from a failed defense of former
Connecticut Governor John Rowland.
After a blow by blow of the trial, there's a
discussion of the Qartarian's visit—Epstein is serving
chocolate made from pistachios grown on the Sheikh's
farm—and speculation about who actually controls
ISIS, with Weingarten arguing that the Turks are not
getting enough scrutiny (he posits that ISIS is part of
their proxy war against the Kurds). There is, in
Epstein's dining room, always an alternative version of
world events—" "perception versus reality," says
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Epstein, "not to imply that one necessarily has greater
weight than the other."
"Why?" I asked Weingarten, when Epstein briefly
steps out of the room, "do so many people keep coming
back here, everything considered." This was before the
most recent blowup but has been an obvious question
ever since his stint in jail.
"Why we camp out here? I guess because there's
no place like it."
Epstein summons in the next person cooling his
heels in the ante-room. It's a young man named Brock
Pierce, a former child actor and dotcom high flyer—a
principle in a gaming company called DEN, a notorious
dotcom burnout, with its own sex scandal—who now
describes himself as the "the most active investor" in the
Bitco and programmable currency space..
Epstein shortly checks to see if his next
appointment is here to join us. Seconds later, Larry
Summers, the former treasury secretary and President of
Harvard, enters the dining room. Summers, off Diet
Coke, digs deep into the Sheikh's chocolates, then
focuses in on the Bitcoin investor.
"Okay," he says, after listening for a bit to Pierce
and his update on the rapid Bitcoin price swings„ "I
have opportunities here. But an additional feature of my
decision problem roughly speaking is that the worst that
could happen to you is that you could lose all the money
you put into it. Whereas, I could go—I mean I don't
look that great now—but I could go from being seen as
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a figure of some probity and some intelligence to being
a figure of much less intelligence and much less
probity..."
"Well," says Pierce in some dramatic
understatement, "you are going to have some low
quality characters playing early in the space..."
That evening, there's a small cocktail party, which
includes the former Prime Minister of Australian, Kevin
Rudd, and Thorbjorn Jagland, the head of the Nobel
Peace Prize Committee, who offers an affable, but
generally scathing, critique of U.S. diplomacy (and a
brief defense of Obama's Peace Prize award) and to
whom Epstein offers a ride back to Europe on his jet.
The next morning, it's Ehud Barack, the former
Israeli Prime Minister, for breakfast. Barack is, over his
omelet, able to defend both Obama and Putin. Then a
high ranking official from the Obama White House
(whose name I am asked not to use).
There follows the former head of the UN Security
Council, Hardeep Purie, and then head of the central
bank of Kazakhstan, Kairat Kelimbetov.
Then Nathan Myhrvold the former chief technology
office at Microsoft. Then Martin Nowak, a Professor of
Biology and Mathematics and Director of the Program
for Evolutionary Dynamics at Harvard, the institute that
Epstein has funded with $30 million. Part of Nowak's
research has to do with trying to "describe cancer
mathematically." (Epstein preempts Nowak's
explanation : "Think of cancer the same way as you
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think of a terrorist group. The NSA has been able to
thwart a great number of terrorism acts by intercepting
communication signals from one terrorist to another.
That same dynamic, a form of signal intelligence, of
finding a terrorist in Europe, can be used to intercept
communication between cancer sells. Cancer cells
merely communicate in protean code rather than
electronic code. If you can decode what the signals are
saying you can jam those signal between terrorist
calls—essentially wipe out their cell phones. Likewise if
you can decode biological signals you can jam them too,
that's the holy grail.")
Then Richard Azel, a Nobel prize winner in
physiology. Then Ron Baron who has $26 billion under
management in his Baron Fund. Then Josh Harris, the
co-founder of Apollo Global Management ($164 billion
under management) and owner of the New Jersey Devils
and the Philadelphia 76ers.
In some sense, what goes on at Epstein's house
confirms everyone's worst fears about power and the
powerful: they are all in a secret and shared
conversation. The world runs on insider information.
Inside Epstein's dining room, it remains a man's
world—a rich man's world—in which women exist as
little more than room decorations or helpmates. Indeed
his salons tend to offend most aspects of reconstructed
gender and political sensibilities.
The rich perhaps come here, risking public
opprobrium, not to mention the censure of their wives,
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because there aren't, in this leveled age, too many
places where they don't have to pretend that they are
something other than rich and powerful. The
conversations at Epstein's are the conversations, I
suspect, that rich men dream of, but in the real world are
actually hard to have.
That's the implicit Epstein view of the world, not,
in most venues, comfortably expressable, not in positive
and practical terms anyway: that the rich do have quite
an autonomous control over events, and the wherewithal
to effect the outcome of what they can't entirely control.
Epstein faciliates that conversation without guilt or
worry, and, in fact, with great enthusiasm. His lack of
PC--the rich man's world he has created is flagrantly
non PC--is a serious part of the draw.
Wealth is the bond and the experience. Once, at
lunch in the Epstein dining room with Bill Richardson,
the former Governor of New Mexico, and past
Presidential aspirant, when Epstein left the room for a
few minutes, I asked the obvious question, the one
everybody asks each other, "How did you meet
Jeffrey?" Richardson seemed surprised: "Jeffrey," he
said, as though stating what should have been perfectly
obvious, "is the biggest landowner in New Mexico."
Epstein has a yet more structural explanation as to
why, after prison and with continuing tabloid infamy, he
can maintain his valued place. It comes back, not
unexpectedly, to the nature or the needs of money: "At a
certain level of finance, almost everyone is allied with
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an institutional interest. You are part of government, or
you want to be in government, or you are connected to a
bank or other portfolio, or you have key relationships
with certain corporations or industries. Because of my
situation, I have none of that. I have no institutional ties
which makes me in some sense one of the few wholly
independent sources of information and actual honest
brokers. That's the usefulness of disgrace."
It's also true that Epstein's circle might be more
forgiving of disgrace than the rest of the world. Many of
these men have themselves been on the wrong side of a
negative story or a scandal or a damaging public
lawsuit. Any hyper-prominent person might run afoul of
prosecutors, the political moment, the media, or the
Internet hoi polloi. And they know that the media's (or
prosecutor's) version of events seldom square's with
their own. In that way, they are, even with jail time,
quite willing to give Epstein the benefit of the doubt.
For some of his visitors, there's a clear order of
identification: there but for the grace of God. For others
tthere is even a wry sense of humor about it. People who
know Jeffrey exchange "Jeffrey" stories. "That's
Jeffrey," says Mort Zuckerman, (whose paper, the Daily
News, is ever vitriolic in its coverage of Epstein), with a
twinkle in his eye and obvious enjoyment, to tales of
Epstein escapades. It is an outreness that Epstein seems
to cultivate. In his Paris apartment, 10,000 square feet
on the Avenue Foch, a neighborhood otherwise
occupied by foreign potentates, there is a stuffed baby
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elephant in his living room—that is, the elephant in the
room. (Epstein says too it's a reminder that elephants
have 23 copies of tumor suppressor genes and humans
have only 1.) The single book on his bedside table is
Lolita (he is, beyond the joke, a great Nobokov fan).
And, too, he seems often to be right. Since I began
working on this piece in September, Epstein predictions
about the price of oil, yen, ruble, and euro have all born
out. If I had invested $100,000 the way Epstein said I
should in early September, by the end of January I
would have made $2.4 million. (Alas, I did not invest.)
At any one moment, he is making a series of bets
for himself and others--very much not as a workaday
hedge fund, and much more as a privileged association.
Money is always about the club it gets you into.
Most everyone who is now of a certain age and
ambition and status grew up in, and found they were
temperamentally suited to, the era of wealth that started
in the late 1970s. A meritocracy on steroids, or, as
Vanity Fair would baldly dub it, the new establishment,
an increasingly parallel world, a self-invented one, at
further and further remove from the ordinary one.
Epstein's is just one version.
Epstein often tells, with some obvious marvel, his
middle class to riches tale: born in 1953 in Coney
Island, father worked for the city's Parks Department,
mother a housewife.
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The captain of the math team at Lafayette High
school in Bensonhurst, he went on to Cooper Union
where the tuition is free. He dropped out after two years
and began taking classes at the NYU's Courant Institute
of Mathematics. Then, without a college degree, hence
by a slight of hand, he got a job teaching math and
physics at Dalton in 1974. (A few years ago, during a
chance encounter with a former Dalton math department
chairman, Margo Gumport, I asked her about Epstein.
She said he was the most brilliant math teacher at
Dalton in her 50-year career and that she had often
wondered what had become of him.)
Dalton was his first exposure to the wealthy. They
have, he concluded, just as many problems as the people
in Coney Island, but different ones, almost invariably
involving divorce and money. "I found it interesting as a
science experiment," he recalled recently as we chatted
about his life. "It did not really involve me. I could just
stand back and watch."
Dalton fathers were attracted to him as a young
man clearly on the make. Punch Sulzberger, the
publisher of the New York Times, and a Dalton father at
the time, tried to recruit Epstein to come to the Times.
(Epstein recounts a story of riding with Sulzberger in his
wood paneled station wagon to the family's country
estate and Sulzberger talking to the chauffer on a phone
from the backseat to the front.) But he wasn't interested
in being a journalist.
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In 1976, another Dalton father, asking "wouldn't
you rather be rich than be a teacher?" introduced him to
Bear Stearn's chief Ace Greenberg, a conversation
Epstein recounts as this:
Greenberg: "Everyone tells me you're super smart
in math and you're Jewish and you're hungry...so why
don't you start working here tomorrow?"
Epstein: "What?"
Greenberg: "If you're supposed to be so fucking
smart, don't you understand English?"
Epstein: "Ok. Count me in."
Hence, Epstein, like many in the late `70s, arrived
on Wall Street. By the fortuitous luck of being there at
that point in time, Epstein was propelled by a much
more explosive form of upward mobility than had ever
before existed. With a facility for mathematics as well
as for getting along with wealthy men, he got rich at an
even faster rate than so many others.
He moved into the penthouse of a new building at
66. Street and Second Avenue—still in the shadow of
the Maxwell Plum era when the 60s on Second was the
glamour address—a building that was, he says as a fond
memory, full of "actresses, models, and euro trash." (It
would shortly become the Studio 54 era, where Epstein,
who has, proudly, even militantly, never had drink or
taken any drugs, was a regular).
If on one side of Wall Street there were the
salesmen (the Wolf of Wall Street model), on the other
side there was a new sort of finance type able to
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embrace a level of acute abstraction. "In the past," says
Epstein, "investing was all about reputations and
relationships. You invested in a company on the basis of
who was running it. Did they have integrity? Were they
married? Good family men? It was a `50s mentality. But
in the mid `70s options started to be traded. In essence,
the first formal derivatives. The movement of this
instrument is not directly attached to the stock price.
The world of investing began turning from relationships
to math. In a sense I didn't really make money as much
as I tried to create it. This was intellectual activity of a
fairly high order."
Intellectual activity aside, he met Helen Gurley
Brown and she made him Cosmopolitan Magazine's
Bachelor of the Month in 1980.
"What," I ask, "was your social life like?"
"Well, I was a playboy."
"That's all? Not looking to get married?"
"No. Never. I never wanted to get married. I
enjoyed sex. I adore women. I wanted freedom. I was
attracted to the rich because of their freedom. But I
wanted also to avoid their burdens. And I didn't want to
hide. I didn't want to be a hypocrite. I wanted to be free.
I was not remotely ambivalent about what I wanted: to
be free. That was the reason to make money."
His rise at Bear Stearns was a swift one. And he
soon became the protegee of Jimmy Cayne (also hired
by Ace Greenberg on a whim—he met him in a bridge
game), who would go on to run Bear and to lose his
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fortune in Bear's 2006 collapse). Epstein's leave-taking
or ouster from Bear was the result of politics, envy,
overreaching, or a securities violation, or...unclear. But,
no matter, when he left in 1982 he took with him
billionaire clients, including Marvin Davis, a real estate
developer who owns Twentieth Century Fox, and Herb
Seigel, a major media investor in the 1980s. At this
point, Epstein was dating , a television
star in the new mega-rich-family soap operas, Dallas
and Falcon Crest.
The Concorde phase of his life coincided with the
Concorde phase of the 1980s. If the `80s were
happening pell mell in New York, they were happening
at double time and catch up speed in London. Thirty-
year-old Epstein was living a Lifestyle of the Rich and
Famous (he befriended the show's star, Robin Leach), at
English shooting parties and country estates with
Saturday night black tie dinners, where he was meeting
the over-the-top families of Europe.
"I didn't take it seriously," Epstein recounts. "I was
not caught up in it. I wasn't trying to make a billion
dollars. There was no ultimate goal. It was just fun to
meet smart people, interesting people. But no long-
range plans. Often no short-term plans either. I would
head to Kennedy and, on the theory that most important
events in one's life are serendipitous, I wouldn't decide
where I was going until I got there."
At the same time, he was developing a perception,
or, at least a market differentiation: the hyper wealthy
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had different problems than the very wealthy. Dealing
with a billion dollars was different from dealing with
$100 million. "If you had a billion dollars I would think
the last thing you should be worried about was money,
in truth money was what you most worried about. How
to make more of it, how to give away more of it, how to
protect your children from it, how to hide it from your
wife or husband, how to minimize your taxes on it. The
traditional wealth service structure, an accountant, and
investment advisor, a personal lawyer, and an idiot
brother-in-law, became hopelessly outdated as amounts
exponentially increased.
"You can't spend a billion dollars, you can just
reallocate it to a different investment class. And you
can't give away a billion dollars without a vast staff, in
effect going into the business of giving away money, yet
another business you are likely to know little about."
For a period, one part of his activities, he says, was
recovering monies for countries looted by exiled
dictators or military strongmen. Then, in his telling, he
was representing a series of vastly wealthy people and
families—not just doing their bidding or their investing,
but helping them to navigate the ambitions of their
wealth. If they had big dreams before, it's nothing to
what they can have now.
If early in his career he might have seemed like a
sort of George Peppard (there's a physical resemblance)
in Breakfast at Tiffany's, a charming hustler, later he's
George Peppard in Banacek, a smart and astute operator.
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At just about this point in the narrative, the
incredulity about Epstein began to circulate in social
circles. Epstein had acquired the major symbols of
wealth but without position, public holdings, or
obvious paper trails. His is a questionable substrata of
wealth, without institutional credentials or bona fides.
He's a freelancer. That's the rub: he doesn't work for
anyone.
There is no clear alternate narrative. No one is
accusing him of anything, except sometimes guilt by
association. (In addition to Robert Maxwell, who will be
accused of fraud, there's Steven Hoffenberg, briefly a
New York high flyer, who went to jail for a Ponzi
scheme, for whom Epstein acted as a consultant—along
with, he points out, Paul Volcker.) But the
characterization persists: if it's not clear, it must be
murky. Sure, Goldman Sachs partners and tech
geniuses, they might have stratospheric wealth, but what
to make of a Coney Island, Zelig-like no-namer?
In 1994, just at the moment when Prince Charles
was on television acknowledging his love for Camilla
Parker Bowles, Jeffrey Epstein was sitting with his arm
around Princess Diana at a dinner at the Serpentine
Galley in London (Diana wearing her "revenge" dress
that evening). Graydon Carter, in his second year as
editor of Vanity Fair, was also at the dinner. Epstein's
rise and Carter's rise are not, with a little critical
interpretation, that different. Both are a function of the
age of new money, both are helped by strategic
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relationships with the exceptionally wealthy, both have
made themselves up. To say that Epstein, in the
company of the Princess, stuck in Carter's craw would
be an understatement. Epstein became one of the "what
do you know about him" figures in Carter's gossip
trail—a story waiting to happen. Carter advised me not
to go to Epstein's house or accept a ride in his car least I
risk being blackmail. ("For what?" I asked Carter. "You
can't even begin to imagine," said Carter.)
Epstein is private and secretive, but grandly so. He
joined the board of Rockefeller University. He was
suddenly on the Trilateral commission, that cabal of
business people who fancy themselves, and who are
fancied by conspiracy buffs, as running the world. He
bought, from his client Limited Founder Les Wexner,
the largest private house in Manhattan. (Rumors will
continue for many years, that Wexner owns the house
and Epstein is just squatting in it—an 18-year squat.) He
bought an airplane. Then another. He expanded his
holdings in New Mexico. He began a Xanadu-like
refurbishment of his Caribbean Island.
He befriended Bill Clinton in his new after-office
life--and that. And would prove to be quite the fatal
pairing.
The post-Monica Clinton, now having pardoned the
on-the-lam financier Marc Rich—at this point, before
his own rehabilitation, Clinton really is the world's
ultimate sleaze ball—was suddenly being ferried around
in the jet of...who exactly? The New York Post was the
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first to take formal media note of the Clinton-Epstein
connection, hinting at a sex and money bromance. "I
suppose travel with Clinton changed the arc of my life,"
Epstein tells me. "There were, I knew, lots of obvious
reasons not to do it, but having the ability to spend 100
hours with a former president just doesn't happen to
many people."
I met Epstein around this time, on the flight out to
TED. (Epstein had become an active backer of advanced
scientific research and a TED fixture.) A small group
assembled at the private plane terminal at JFK, most of
us unfamiliar with our benefactor, and as we headed in
the direction of the discreet private plans we were gently
pointed to our ride: Epstein's 727.
It was like something out of a men's magazine
fantasy of the luxe life. The quiet of the plane,
engineered into acoustic perfection, seemed spooky.
Epstein was accompanied by three young women who
were witty, poised, helpful, as well as powerfully
alluring. And Epstein, tanned, relaxed, with a wide open
smile, was an attentive host, soliciting every guest's
story and views. (One more thing about this trip: Google
founders, Larry Page and Sergey Brin, with their
company still in its infancy, came out to see the plane on
the Monterey tarmac and, with a few other Googlers,
literally ran whooping from one end of the plane to the
other. Then they described for Epstein, in what I cannot
now remember was a put-on or entrepreneurial
brainstorm, a brand extension in which they would
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market a line of Google bras with the Os as convenient
cups. In fact, the name Google, they said, was invented
out of the belief that men would focus on a word with
two Os in it.)
Not long after this trip, Epstein's assistant called to
invite me for tea at his house in New York, where
Epstein, with what seemed to me little understanding of
the subject, began to ask me about media—the upside,
downside, and nature of media coverage. New York
magazine was then soliciting him for a profile, as was
Vanity Fair, who had assigned the British journalist,
Vicki Ward, to the job. Both profiles—New York's by
Landon Thomas—pivot on the Clinton connection and
detail the same quandary, how a man without clear
institutional bona fides nevertheless achieved such
wealth and influence. Epstein, sensing that he might be
exposing himself, called Carter and said he was having
second thoughts about being a public figure.
"Then you should live in a two bedroom apartment
in Queens," responded Carter.
And then the real troubles began. Epstein, in man-
who-can-have-everything fashion, has, for many years,
ordered up a daily massage following his workout
sessions.
"Often these were massage massages," says Epstein
matter of factly, "but sometimes these were happy
ending massages, especially in Palm Beach, where there
are many massage parlors—`Jack Shacks,' they're
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called—that do outcalls. There was no sex. An often
there was no happy ending. Often I would be on the
phone for the entire massage. There were however a lot
of massages and a lot of girls, with one girl
recommending others." He says all this in a
straightforward manner that seems utterly tone-deaf to
its effect, as if he suffers from a sort of cultural autism.
After Epstein's round of publicity and widely
touted association with Clinton, the stepmother of one
of the massage parlor girls who went to Epstein's house,
identified as "SG" in court documents, called the police.
The police interviewed the girl [WHO WAS HOW OLD
AT THE TIME?] who supplied the names of other girls,
some of whom were younger than 18.
In the end, the police tracked down 18 girls—nine
of whom were under 18 [THIS IS IMPORTANT: HOW
OLD WAS THE YOUNGEST?]; the others were in
their 20s and 30s; one woman was in her 60s—a number
of whom gave statements describing scenarios not
terribly different from Epstein's description above,
except in this version of events a cold and forceful
Epstein demanded that unwitting juveniles perform
repulsive acts on him. (Although the nature of the
allegations will dramatically grow into threesomes and
forced sexual encounters, nobody at this point alleged
anything more than Epstein masturbating.)
A shadowy rich man, friend of the louche and
disgraced president, at all times surrounded by a retinue
of young and gorgeous women doing his bidding, is
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found to have gathered a network of wrong-side-of-the-
tracks Palm Beach girls to provide him with weird
sexual services. (It somehow reads weirder that he
doesn't have sex with them.) To boot, his former
girlfriend, Ghislaine Maxwell—the daughter of the
disgraced Robert Maxwell—encouraged at least one of
the girls to come to Epstein's home (and is henceforth
known as the procurer or madam for Epstein and, later,
his friends). It certainly doesn't look good.
Epstein called in Dershowitz, who flew into Palm
Beach to put the local authorities in their place—
alienating Palm Beach officialdom—and, further
amping up the profile of the case, also brought in Roy
Black, the famous criminal attorney who defended
William Kennedy Smith in his rape trial in Palm Beach.
Epstein might have just been hit with solicitation
charges and paid a fine even though some of the girls
were underage; prostitution charges in Florida (as in
most places) have no age limits and the Palm Beach
grand jury proposed solely a solicitation charge. But
Epstein's flamboyance and his friendship with Clinton
invited the scrutiny of the Bush FBI, and ultimately
Epstein and his legal team decided to go for a plea deal.
The result was a baroque set of agreements with both
the Feds and Palm Beach county, which mandated jail
time (Epstein was sentenced to 18 months, of which he
served 13—nearly all Florida prisoners serve only 70%
of their officially sentenced time) and sex offender
status. The deal also provided for an unusual, if not
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unprecedented, arrangement by which he agreed to pay
the legal fees for 40 girls specified by the FBI in civil
suits against him and not to oppose their claims,
resulting in an overall settlement costs that may be as
high as $20 million.
It is in part this impossible-to-explain weird-justice
outcome that has made some people think he was
covering for someone else--one person in particular.
"So?" I ask directly, one day late in our interviews.
"Explain this. It does make it look like you were
covering for you-know-who."
"Covering?" He chuckles. "First, by the way, you-
know-who was never there. Never came to the island.
Not once. Not ever. But you're right, the settlement was
preposterous. Nobody has ever heard anything like it.
But while it was breathtaking and perverse and, well,
Kafka-esque, it was also straightforward: you sign this
or else we will federally indict you in ways that will
threaten your property, the people who work for you,
and put you in jail for ten years. I took the deal."
A bit more baroqueness: one of the lawyers
representing some of the plaintiffs, Scott Rothstein,
would also go to jail for recruiting investors to pay for
these suits on the fraudulent basis that settlements had
already been reached and that many of the listed women
had agreed to take reduced immediate cash payments.
Epstein got out of jail in 2009. The experience does
not seem to have much dented his general bonhomie.
One evening over dinner he and the former director of
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ports in the semi-rouge state of Djibouti, who had fallen
afoul of the regime and found himself in prison,
exchanged jail stories--they agreed, not as bad you'd
think. Epstein, having done his time, moved almost
seamlessly back into his life, to the shock-shock of
tabloids whenever they seemed to be reminded of his
existence (notably, when Epstein's payment of Fergie's
debts slipped out, likely leaked by Fergie herself).
Some things changed. While surprising few others
dropped him, the Clinton's did, an irony of the present
tabloid interest in his old address book with its many
Clinton contacts. And his sex offender status
transformed him from libertine and playboy to
paedophile, a distinction in the current climate it is
almost impossible to argue.
While he has reguarly entertained PR proposals
aimed at his public rehabilitation, until Gates prodded
him, and then until this recent renwed tabloid fever, he
had concluded that he was perfectlysatisfied living
behind high walls and in his own exclusive club.
Even now, this new Dershowitz-Prince Andrew
chapter seems like a parralel distubance rather than
something that is actually effecting his world. "Bad
press is not something actually bad," he notes, trying to
balance perception and reality.
And, indeed, the tabloid narrative and his own
narrative rather define wholly separate universes.
The, the ongoing case, with the filings that
introduced the Dershowitz and Prince Andrew
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allegations, he notes, was brought by the imprisoned
Rothstein's former partner, Brad Edwards, part and
parcel of the settlment industry that has grown up
around him.
This new chapter relies entirely on the testimony
and the memoir—excel is of which were published by
the Daily Mail—of , who claims that
Ghislaine Maxwell met her, when she was 17, at Donald
Trump's Palm Beach resort and got her a job in the
Epstein house, which she held for several years,
traveling in the Epstein entourage. It is Roberts—who
refused to cooperate with the FBI's 2007 investigation
of Epstein—who has propounded the "sex slave"
narrative. She claims that "massage" was a code word
for sexual acts, and that she worked for Epstein for TK
years for $TK, having sex with him and his friends, and
reporting on the details to Epstein so he would have
blackmailable details about them. In the laundry list of
big names, she also claims to have met (though not had
sex with) Bill Clinton and Al and Tipper Gore through
Epstein.
This is all, says Epstein, utterly false, including that
she met Clinton and the Gores, who Epstein says he has
never met. Indeed, there has been no corroboration of
the Roberts charges nor any new evidence or further
prosecution and Dershowitz is suing her for libel.
Roberts who was part of the original settlement is now
seeking an additional suing Epstein for an additional
$50 million from Epstein, and planning a book on her
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life and the scandal.
It is a curious attribute of his character that, other than
perhaps being more circumspect about what legal advice
to follow, Epstein would not have done anything
differently. (When I suggested recently to Epstein that
one obvious way to blunt the animus bearing down on
him would be to get married, he said he'd rather go back
to jail.) His life, living it as he wants, seems to him to be
an extraordinary accomplishment. Being on the wrong
side of morality, custom, politics, feminists, the media,
that's just a bit of bad luck.
And it is perhaps this attitude of his that irks his
critics the most. Although he has spent more than a year
in jail and paid out what may be as much as $20 million,
he yet seems somehow to have gotten away with it—
that worst sin of all. He is the unrepentant catchall of
up-to-the-minute badness: the financier whose wealth is
a product of Wall Street math rather than work; a rich
middle-age white man who not only parades his wealth
and entitlement, but has a Peter Pan complex to boot; an
insistent Playboy (excuse me, peadophile) in a correct
and prudish world—someone who somehow didn't get
the memo about vast changes in mores and culture.
But Epstein's friends—and I think that is, in the
end, the best word for the powerful people who orbit
him—are willing to take him as he comes. Epstein is
their confidant. Not the only nexus of them, but one of
them. Dr. Epstein. Lay on my couch. As he is
everybody's confident, everybody becomes his
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confident. This is a back and forth, a power loop. His
expertise is knowing what other people know. Which
surely offers a unique sense of confidence that it is
possible to understand how the world works. And in a
time of such radical flux and existential instability,
everybody wants to seek out someone who might have
some answers or at least make you feel like he does—
even, and maybe especially, the rich. The fact that he's
an outsider, even a pariah, nobody you have to fear, in
his own way a secret (and all powerful people like
secrets) is—if you're not caught in his company—
reassuring too.
In the last days of my interviews with Epstein, he
was called by a particular world-stage individual, indeed
among the richest and most powerful—proudly louche
himself—who, feeling out of his depth in a world of
crashing oil prices and wild currency fluctuation, had
come to believe he might benefit from some private
tutoring. And so the math teacher got on his plane.
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