Fwd: Could you pass this on to John Pedestal

podesta-emails 1,096 words email

P17 V11 V16 D3 D6

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Bonnie Berger via Nick Merrill. Let me know if you'd like to follow up. Begin forwarded message: *From:* Nick Merrill <[email protected]> *Date:* May 16, 2015 at 1:28:55 PM EDT *To:* Bonnie Berger <[email protected]>, Milia Fisher < [email protected]> *Subject:* *Re: Could you pass this on to John Pedestal* Happily. I'm adding Milia who will be sure to pass it on. And I'm sorry I missed you too. Hopefully we'll get another chance soon. Nick On Sat, May 16, 2015 at 1:19 PM, Bonnie Berger <[email protected]> wrote: > HI Nick- > > Here’s an article I mentioned to him- good read from 2007- > Thought I’d meet you in Brooklyn- sorry to miss. > > > Thanks! > > http://www.nytimes.com/2007/02/15/opinion/15brooks.html?_r=0 > > February 15, 2007 > No Apology NeededBy DAVID BROOKS > <http://topics.nytimes.com/top/opinion/editorialsandoped/oped/columnists/davidbrooks/index.html?inline=nyt-per> > > Far be it from me to get in the middle of a liberal purge, but would > anybody mind if I pointed out that the calls for Hillary Clinton to > apologize for her support of the Iraq war are almost entirely bogus? > > I mean, have the people calling for her apology actually read the speeches > she delivered before the war? Have they read her remarks during the war > resolution debate, when she specifically rejected a pre-emptive, unilateral > attack on Saddam? Did they read the passages in which she called for a > longer U.N. inspections regime and declared, “I believe international > support and legitimacy are crucial”? > > If they went back and read what Senator Clinton was saying before the war, > they’d be surprised, as I was, by her approach. And they’d learn something, > as I did, about what kind of president she would make. > > The Iraq war debate began in earnest in September 2002. At that point > Clinton was saying in public what Colin Powell was saying in private: > emphasizing the need to work through the U.N. and build a broad coalition > to enforce inspections. > > She delivered her Senate resolution speech on Oct. 10. It was Clintonian > in character. On the one hand, she rejected the Bush policy of pre-emptive > war. On the other hand, she also rejected the view that the international > community “should only resort to force if and when the United Nations > Security Council approves it.” Drawing on the lessons of Bosnia, she said > sometimes the world had to act, even if the big powers couldn’t agree. > > She sought a third way: more U.N. resolutions, more inspections, more > diplomacy, with the threat of force reserved as a last resort. She was > triangulating, but the Senate resolution offered her a binary choice. She > voted yes in order to give Powell bipartisan leverage at the U.N. > > This is how she’s always explained that vote, and I confess that until > now, I’ve regarded her explanation as a transparent political dodge. Didn’t > everyone know this was a war resolution? But now, having investigated her > public comments, I think diplomatic leverage really was on her mind. I also > know, from a third person, that she was spending a lot of time with Powell > and wanted to help. > > On Nov. 8, 2002, the Security Council passed a unanimous resolution > threatening Saddam with “serious consequences” if he didn’t disarm. > > The next crucial period came in March 2003, as the U.S. battled France > over the second Security Council resolution. Clinton’s argument at this > point was that inspections were working and should be given more time. “It > is preferable that we do this in a peaceful manner through coercive > inspection,” she said on March 3, but went on, “At some point we have to be > willing to uphold the United Nations resolutions.” Then she added, “This is > a very delicate balancing act.” > > On March 17, Bush gave Saddam 48 hours to disarm or face attack. Clinton > tried to be critical of the Bush policy while being deferential to the > office of the presidency. She clearly had doubts about Bush’s timing, but > she kept emphasizing that from her time in the White House, she knew how > unhelpful it was for senators to be popping off in public on foreign > policy. > > At one press event in New York, she nodded when Charles Rangel said Bush > had failed at the U.N. But when reporters asked Clinton to repeat what > Rangel had just said, she bit her tongue. On March 17, as U.S. troops > mobilized, she issued her strongest statement in support of the effort. > > Clinton’s biggest breach with the liberal wing actually opened up later, > in the fall of 2003. Most liberals went into full opposition, wanting to > see Bush disgraced. Clinton — while an early critic of the troop levels, > the postwar plans and all the rest — tried to stay constructive. She wanted > to see America and Iraq succeed, even if Bush was not disgraced. > > When you look back at Clinton’s thinking, you don’t see a classic war > supporter. You see a person who was trying to seek balance between opposing > arguments. You also see a person who deferred to the office of the > presidency. You see a person who, as president, would be fox to Bush’s > hedgehog: who would see problems in their complexities rather than in their > essentials; who would elevate procedural concerns over philosophical ones; > who would postpone decision points for as long as possible; and who would > make distinctions few heed. > > Today, the liberal wing of the Democratic Party believes that the world, > and Hillary Clinton in particular, owes it an apology. If she apologizes, > she’ll forfeit her integrity. She will be apologizing for being herself. > >