podesta-emails
Re: [big campaign] WaPo: MA \"hardly a repudiation of health reform\"
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A bi-partisan post-election poll in MA from Women's Voices Women
Vote<http://www.wvwv.org/>shows that voters who said their vote was
primarily about health care voted
46 to 35 in support of reform.
Among youth, unmarried women, Blacks, and Latinos -- who said their vote was
primarily about health care -- the margin was 52 to 29 in favor of reform.
Overall, health care reform was tied with taxes and spending as the third
most important issue to voters.
http://www.wvwv.org/assets/2010/1/20/wvwv-ma-slides.pdf
slides 20-22 and 27-28.
Cheers,
JD
On Thu, Jan 21, 2010 at 9:10 AM, Adam Jentleson <
[email protected]> wrote:
> *Brown's victory in Mass. senate race hardly a repudiation of health
> reform
> *
> By Alec MacGillis
> Washington Post Staff Writer
> Thursday, January 21, 2010; A11
> While many are describing the election to fill the late *Edward M. Kennedy
> * <http://www.whorunsgov.com/Profiles/Edward_M._Kennedy>'s Senate seat as
> a *referendum*<http://projects.washingtonpost.com/politicsglossary/legislative/referendum/> on
> national health-care reform, the Republican candidate rode to victory on a
> message more nuanced than flat-out resistance to universal health coverage:
> Massachusetts residents, he said, already had insurance and should not have
> to pay for it elsewhere.
>
> Scott Brown, the Republican state senator who won a stunning upset in
> Tuesday's election, voted for the state's health-care legislation, which was
> signed by then-Gov. *Mitt Romney*<http://www.whorunsgov.com/Profiles/Mitt_Romney> (R)
> and has covered all but 3 percent of Massachusetts residents. That
> legislation became the basic model for national health-care legislation.
> Brown has not disavowed his support for the state's law, which retains
> majority backing in Massachusetts.
>
> Instead, he argued on the campaign trail that Massachusetts had taken care
> of its own uninsured, and it would not be in the state's interest to
> contribute to an effort to cover the uninsured nationwide.
>
> "We have insurance here in Massachusetts," he said in a campaign debate.
> "I'm not going to be subsidizing for the next three, five years, pick a
> number, subsidizing what other states have failed to do."
>
> In a news conference Wednesday, he said, "There are some very good things
> in the national plan that's being proposed, but if you look at -- and really
> almost in a parochial manner -- we need to look out for Massachusetts first.
> . . . The thing I'm hearing all throughout the state is, 'What about us?' "
>
> Brown's message underscores a little-noticed political dynamic in a country
> where rates of the uninsured vary widely, from Massachusetts to Texas, where
> 25 percent are uninsured. Seeking national universal coverage means sending
> money from states that have tried hard to expand coverage, mostly in the
> Northeast and Midwest, to states that have not, mostly in the South and
> West.
>
> Supporters of the national legislation say this transfer is an unfortunate
> but unavoidable aspect of expanding coverage. But, they argue, the nation is
> misinterpreting expressions of self-interest in Massachusetts as grand
> opposition to universal health insurance.
>
> "Massachusetts's reforms continue to be popular in Massachusetts --
> sufficiently popular that Brown did not repudiate them," said Paul Starr, a
> Princeton public affairs professor. "Here is a state that has enacted a
> similar reform and it is popular. That should encourage people that if it's
> done at the national level, that it would work as policy, and that it would
> be popular."
>
> Conservative analysts disagree, saying the Massachusetts law has been less
> successful than advertised and that this helped motivate residents to cast a
> vote they knew would set back national reform. In a new report from the *
> libertarian*<http://projects.washingtonpost.com/politicsglossary/party-affiliated/Libertarian-Party/> Cato
> Institute, Michael Cannon argues that the law has covered fewer people than
> state data suggest and that it has cost residents and businesses more than
> supporters say. "Things are not as hunky-dory as people have been saying,"
> he said.
>
> Divining voters' motivation is difficult. In a Boston Globe poll taken in
> October, 59 percent of state voters said they supported the state law, a
> drop of 10 percentage points from the prior year, and only 11 percent said
> they wanted the law repealed. There were no *exit polls*<http://projects.washingtonpost.com/politicsglossary/election/exit-polls/>Tuesday
> to gauge voters' views on health-care reform.
>
> Federal programs often divert money from richer states to poorer ones, but
> the regional dynamic is more stark in health-care reform. As it stands, the
> federal government shares the cost of Medicaid coverage based on states'
> income, ranging from a 50-50 split in the richest states to 80 percent in
> the poorest.
>
> But under the legislation, that disparity could grow in a way that does not
> necessarily accord with state wealth. Many states, and not necessarily the
> poorest, set stringent terms for Medicaid eligibility, while others have
> eased entry. In Texas, parents qualify for Medicaid only if their family
> income is below $5,720, while in Virginia, the limit is $6,380. In
> Wisconsin, New Jersey, Maine, Minnesota, Illinois, Connecticut and the
> District of Columbia, the cutoff is $40,000 or higher. In Maryland, it is
> $25,500.
>
> The legislation would set a single standard for Medicaid eligibility, about
> $28,000 or $33,000 for a family, and the federal government would pay almost
> the entire cost of newly eligible people. That means that states with looser
> standards would continue to pay as much as half the cost for a broad swath
> of people that in other states would be paid for almost entirely by the
> federal government. This disparity, which would largely benefit
> Republican-leaning states, would be exacerbated if Congress decided to
> extend to other states a deal that the Senate gave Nebraska to fund the
> entire cost of covering newly eligible people.
>
> Both the House and Senate bills attempt to address this disparity: The
> Senate bill includes extra money for Massachusetts and Vermont; the House
> bill helps additional states, including New York. But John Holahan of the
> Urban Institute said Congress could have done more to even out the
> state-by-state impact.
>
> "It's really striking," he said. "The real beneficiaries of this are the
> states in the South and the West who are opposing health-care reform."
>
> Some health policy experts say that the legislation in Congress would help
> Massachusetts by starting to bring down health-care costs nationally and by
> supplementing the state's efforts with federal funding, which is less
> vulnerable during economic downturns than deficit-constrained state budgets.
>
> "The notion that 'we have ours so we don't need the feds' is wrong because
> the long-term viability is at the federal level," said Jonathan Gruber, an
> MIT economist and paid consultant to the Obama administration.
>
> But what voters heard instead, said Harvard health policy professor Robert
> Blendon, was Brown's message that the national bills would require Medicare
> cuts and taxes on some of their health insurance plans. The state reforms
> had been implemented during better economic times, without a dedicated tax
> increase and without involving Medicare.
>
> Brown "was pounding away: Massachusetts took care of its own, why are you
> asking them to pay all these taxes in a bad economic time?" Blendon said.
>
> *
> http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/01/20/AR2010012005042.html?hpid=topnews
> *<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/01/20/AR2010012005042.html?hpid=topnews>
>
>
> -----
> Adam Jentleson
> Communications Director, Progressive Media
> Center for American Progress Action Fund
> *ajentleson@americanprogress**action**.org*<[email protected]>
> ajentleson (AIM)
> 202-247-8614 (cell)
>
>
>
>
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