podesta_email_00106.txt

podesta-emails 892 words email

P17 V16 D6 V11 P20

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Jake, Please see my edits below. Of course, we must see the final agreement. But I am very concerned that a complete embrace of this deal, without any expression of reservations, will leave her open to serious attack not just from Republicans, but from many Democrats, and from many of the key signatories of the Washington Institute letter, including Howard Berman, Dennis Ross, and people whose opinions on nuclear issues one needs to respect, like Robert Einhorn, and other non-proliferation experts like David Albright. She can certainly make clear her opposition to Congress overturning the deal, which would weaken the President greatly. Best wishes, Stu From: Jake Sullivan [mailto:[email protected]] Sent: Wednesday, July 01, 2015 8:09 PM To: Eizenstat, Stuart Subject: here is the latest I took some of your concepts but left out the specifics. The deal between six world powers and Iran offers the best path forward to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon, despite its deficiencies. With vigorous enforcement, unyielding verification, and swift consequences for any violations, this deal will make the United States, Israel, and the region safer and more secure. I applaud President Obama and Secretary Kerry for this important accomplishment. [ I would have preferred an agreement that provided access to all of Iran’s nuclear sites, including its military facilities; that allowed the IAEA inspectors the opportunity to interview all people they believe necessary to establish Iran’s past and ongoing Possible Military Dimensions; and that sequenced sanctions relief to documented performance of Iran’s obligations. However, this agreement is better than no deal at all, which would leave Iran the unfettered opportunity to a full-scale march to a nuclear weapon, without any of the constraints of this agreement in place.] As President, I would use every tool in our arsenal to compel rigorous Iranian compliance. Neither Iran nor any other country would have a veto over our enforcement. And I would never permit Iran to interpret this deal to allow it to evade its obligations to the IAEA or to place any suspicious site off limits to inspectors. The response to any violation must be immediate and overwhelming -- starting with the return of sanctions but taking no options off the table, including, if necessary, the use of force. The message to Iran should be loud and clear: We will never allow you to acquire a nuclear weapon; not just during the term of this agreement – never. Today’s agreement is the culmination of an effective strategy of pressure and engagement executed over many years. By the end of the Bush administration, Iran was rapidly expanding its nuclear centrifuge capacity despite unilateral American sanctions. The Obama administration took a different approach, working with Congress and our allies and partners around the world. As Secretary of State, I logged tens of thousands of miles and twisted a lot of arms to build a global coalition to impose the most crippling sanctions in history. That unprecedented pressure shattered Iran’s economy and forced its representatives to the table – starting in Oman in 2012 -- to negotiate a deal that can put a nuclear weapon out of reach. Going forward, we have to be clear-eyed when it comes to the broader threat Iran represents. Even with an agreement that cuts off its nuclear ambitions, Iran still poses a direct challenge to the United States and our allies, especially Israel. It continues to destabilize countries from Yemen to Lebanon, while exacerbating conflict in Syria. It is developing missiles that can strike every country in the Middle East. And it fuels terrorism throughout the region and beyond, including through direct support to Hamas and Hizballah. We have to oppose and raise the costs for Iran’s destabilizing activities, insist on the return of U.S. citizens being held in Iranian prisons, and strengthen security cooperation with our allies and partners. Sanctions for terrorism, and other non-nuclear sanctions, should remain in place. Israel has to be confident that the United States will always defend its security and ensure its Qualitative Military Edge in the region. I would invite the senior Israeli leadership to Washington for early talks on further strengthening our alliance. We should also deepen our security relationship with Arab partners who are threatened by Iran’s ambitions. I support this deal because it blocks Iran’s pathways to a nuclear weapon and gives us tools to catch Iran if it tries to cheat. Ultimately, the alternatives were worse for America. Imposing new, unilateral sanctions, or engaging in military force at this juncture, would risk fracturing the world consensus we have painstakingly built, undermining our maximum leverage at a time when Iran is at its most vulnerable. So we should proceed with wisdom and strength in implementing a deal born out of strong American leadership.