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https://www.nationaljournal.com/s/623418?unlock=MPZBLS5E72UB2X5O Democrats Plan to Pound Trump Before He’s Nominated Super PAC will air $20 million in negative ads before Donald Trump can counter with general-election money, a strategy that defined Mitt Romney in 2012. By SV Date -- May 2, 2016 Don­ald Trump loves to brag about how he al­ways coun­ter­punches when at­tacked, but he could soon be tak­ing an un­answered, $20 mil­lion pum­mel­ing in those few states that will de­cide the Novem­ber elec­tion. A series of ads paint­ing him as an un­ser­i­ous, un­ready, and un­scru­pu­lous busi­ness­man who also hap­pens to dis­par­age wo­men and minor­it­ies is to start air­ing June 8, the day after the fi­nal primar­ies in which Trump is likely to clinch the Re­pub­lic­an pres­id­en­tial nom­in­a­tion. “That’s a good day to start,” said Justin Barasky with Pri­or­it­ies USA Ac­tion, a su­per PAC back­ing Demo­crat Hil­lary Clin­ton. “We’re not go­ing to the make the same mis­take Re­pub­lic­ans did in wait­ing too long [to go on the of­fens­ive].” For five full weeks, in a lull between the primary sea­son and the GOP con­ven­tion, these mes­sages may have the air­waves to them­selves in sev­en swing states, with the no­tori­ously tight-fis­ted Trump loath to spend tens of mil­lions of his own money to counter the at­tack and the Re­pub­lic­an Party un­able to de­fend him un­til he of­fi­cially be­comes the nom­in­ee. If Re­pub­lic­ans find this strategy fa­mil­i­ar, they should. It’s ex­actly what Pri­or­it­ies did to 2012 GOP nom­in­ee Mitt Rom­ney in those months after he had se­cured the nom­in­a­tion, fol­low­ing a long and ex­pens­ive primary battle—but be­fore he was of­fi­cially nom­in­ated and al­lowed to use mil­lions in gen­er­al-elec­tion money he had already col­lec­ted. “Mitt Rom­ney was a fun­da­ment­ally likable guy. Look what they did to Mitt Rom­ney. They turned him in­to his­tory’s greatest mon­ster,” said Rick Wilson, a Re­pub­lic­an strategist and lead­ing “Nev­er Trump” voice who has been warn­ing for months that Demo­crats would start blis­ter­ing Trump the mo­ment he se­cured the nom­in­a­tion. In 2012, Pri­or­it­ies spent $21.5 mil­lion at­tack­ing Rom­ney between May and the end of Au­gust, when the former Mas­sachu­setts gov­ernor form­ally ac­cep­ted the nom­in­a­tion at the GOP con­ven­tion in Tampa. The ads fo­cused on five swing states, most not­ably Rust Belt Ohio, and por­trayed Rom­ney as a heart­less plu­to­crat who en­riched him­self by shut­ting down factor­ies and ship­ping jobs over­seas. The ads were cred­ited with turn­ing Rom­ney’s busi­ness ex­per­i­ence from an as­set in­to a li­ab­il­ity among many gen­er­al-elec­tion voters. In Ohio, Pres­id­ent Obama re­ceived 2 per­cent more sup­port from white voters and non-col­lege gradu­ates than he did na­tion­ally—a big factor in his 3-point vic­tory there that Novem­ber that sealed his reelec­tion. Wilson pre­dicted that Pri­or­it­ies would have a much easi­er chal­lenge with Trump than it did with Rom­ney, giv­en Trump’s already high dis­ap­prov­al rat­ings and the host of con­tro­ver­sies in his past, from the de­funct Trump Uni­versity to his mul­tiple bank­ruptcies in At­lantic City. Pri­or­it­ies will also find its Re­pub­lic­an op­pos­i­tion in a far more pre­cari­ous fin­an­cial con­di­tion. While both Rom­ney’s cam­paign and his su­per PAC were de­pleted by the drawn-out primary, he was non­ethe­less a prodi­gious fun­draiser, ul­ti­mately col­lect­ing $820 mil­lion for him­self and the Re­pub­lic­an Party and an­oth­er $153 mil­lion for his tech­nic­ally in­de­pend­ent su­per PAC. Trump has no fun­drais­ing op­er­a­tion, has in­sul­ted the tra­di­tion­al GOP donor com­munity, and as of yet has not be­gun rais­ing money for the party. At a re­cent meet­ing, Re­pub­lic­an Na­tion­al Com­mit­tee mem­bers pub­licly ex­pressed con­fid­ence they could raise all the money needed. But privately, some mem­bers wor­ried that Trump as nom­in­ee won’t be able to raise a frac­tion of the $1 bil­lion that Clin­ton and Demo­crats are likely to spend. Trump has avoided spend­ing money on his cam­paign whenev­er pos­sible, largely re­ly­ing on free cable TV cov­er­age to spread his mes­sage. And it’s un­clear how eas­ily he can write him­self eight-fig­ure checks, even if he wanted to. While Trump claims he is worth $10 bil­lion, in­de­pend­ent re­views by two banks a dec­ade ago—pri­or to the fin­an­cial crisis that slashed the value of most port­fo­li­os—ap­praised his net worth at $788 mil­lion and $1.2 bil­lion. In any event, the ma­jor­ity of his wealth is tied up in build­ings and golf courses, ac­cord­ing to his fin­an­cial dis­clos­ure fil­ing last year. A Na­tion­al Journ­al re­view<https://www.nationaljournal.com/s/54699/1-easy-way-donald-trump-could-have-been-even-richer-doing-nothing> of that doc­u­ment shows he had no more than $232 mil­lion in cash and re­l­at­ively li­quid as­sets a year ago—of which he has already lent him­self at least $36 mil­lion over the past 15 months. Trump’s cam­paign did not re­spond to Na­tion­al Journ­al quer­ies about its pos­sible re­sponse to Pri­or­it­ies, which said the $20 mil­lion in pre-con­ven­tion tele­vi­sion ads is just part of a $125 mil­lion budget to keep pound­ing Trump on TV as well as the In­ter­net through Elec­tion Day. Barasky said Pri­or­it­ies’s job will also be easi­er than it has been for ad makers blast­ing Trump in the primar­ies be­cause some of Trump’s views that are ac­cept­able to many Re­pub­lic­ans are nev­er­the­less pois­on­ous to a gen­er­al-elec­tion audi­ence. “Demo­crats are not go­ing to be wor­ried about of­fend­ing the GOP base,” he said. Barasky would not provide de­tails on spe­cif­ic ads in the works, and he said a sim­il­ar cam­paign would be launched against Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas should he ap­pear to be the likely Re­pub­lic­an nom­in­ee. But he said some ads against Trump will ex­plore his busi­ness deals through the years, while oth­ers will cite his re­marks about tor­ture and nuc­le­ar weapons, sug­gest­ing he lacks the tem­pera­ment to be com­mand­er in chief. Still oth­ers will ques­tion wheth­er he has the char­ac­ter to be pres­id­ent, based on his state­ments about Muslims, Mex­ic­ans, and wo­men. Wo­men by them­selves make up a ma­jor­ity of the elect­or­ate. Trump and his ad­visers, mean­while, be­lieve they can ef­fect­ively counter any gender-based at­tacks on Trump by ac­cus­ing Hil­lary Clin­ton of hav­ing “en­abled” her hus­band Bill Clin­ton’s ex­tramar­it­al af­fairs over the years by stick­ing up for him. Trump, in fact, has boas­ted that he was able to stop Hil­lary Clin­ton from call­ing him sex­ist us­ing pre­cisely that threat. Demo­crats seem genu­inely mys­ti­fied by that strategy. “People don’t hold that against her. She wasn’t the vil­lain in that story,” said one White House ad­viser privately. “I can’t be­lieve any of this is thought through or tested.” GOP con­sult­ant Wilson said he ac­tu­ally tested that ex­act line of at­tack against then-first lady Hil­lary Clin­ton in 1999, when he was work­ing for Rudy Gi­uliani’s U.S. Sen­ate cam­paign be­fore the New York City may­or dropped out. Wilson said Re­pub­lic­an wo­men found it so of­fens­ive that they wanted to walk out of the fo­cus group. He said Trump is de­lud­ing him­self if he be­lieves that ap­proach will work—or, more gen­er­ally, that he will have any hope of win­ning the gen­er­al elec­tion after the Demo­crats are done ham­mer­ing him. “This is not go­ing to end the way he thinks it’s go­ing to.” Sent from my iPhone