📄 Extracted Text (10,181 words)
From: Gregory Brown
Sent: Sunday, March 8, 2015 8:53 AM
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Subject: Greg Brown's Weekend Reading and Other Things.... 3/08/2015
DEAR FRIEND =/span>
Robert Reich: America is headed full speed back to the 19th century
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I recently ran across an artic=e in Salon Magazine by Former labor secretary Robert Reich =E244, America is headed
full speed back to the 19th century — on the dangers of on-demand jobs and our growing intolerance for labor unions.
The growth of on-demand jobs like Uber is making life less predictable and secu=e for workers. The problem is that
these new jobs are low-paying with much less security. On the other side, a Forbes Magazine contributor, for example,
writes that jobs ex=st only "when both employer and employee are happy with the deal being made." So if the new jobs
are minimum wage and irregular, too bad.
As Robert Reich points out =hat much the same argument was voiced in the late nineteenth century over alleged
"freedom of c=ntract." Any deal between employers and workers was assumed to be fine if both sides voluntarily
agreed to it. It was an era when many workers were "happy" to toil twelve-hour days in =weat shops for lack of any
better alternative. It was also a time of great wealth for a few and squalor for many. And of corruption, as =he lackeys
of robber barons deposited sacks of cash on the desks of pliant legislators. Finally, after decades of labor strife and
political tumult, the twentieth century brought an understanding that capitalism requires minimum standards of
decency and fairness — workplace safety, a minimum wage, maximum hours (and tim=-and-a-half for overtime), and a
ban on child labor.
We also learned that capita=ism needs a fair balance of power between big corporations and workers. We achieved
that through antitrust laws that reduced the capacity of giant corporations to impose their will, and labor laws that
allowed workers to organize and bargain collectively. By the 1950s, when 35 percent of private-sector workers belonged
to a labor un=on, they were able to negotiate higher wages and better working conditions than employers would
otherwise have been "happy" to provide..=A0 And as Robert Reich points out again.... now we seem to be heading
back to nineteenth century.
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Corporations are shifting f=ll-time work onto temps, free-lancers, and contract workers who fall outside the labor
protections established decades ago. The nation's biggest corporations and Wall Street banks are larger and more
potent than ever. And labor union membership has shrunk to less than 6 percent of the private-sector workforce. So
it*=99s not surprising we're once again hearing that workers are worth no more =han what they can get in the market.
But as we should have learn=d a century ago, markets don't exist in nature. They're created by human beings. The real
question=is how they're organized and for whose benefit. In the late nineteenth century they were organized for the
benefit of a few at the top. But by the middle of the twentieth century they were organized for the vast majority.
During t=e thirty years after the end of World War II, as the economy doubled in size, so did the wages of most
Amer=cans — along with improved hours and working conditions.
Yet since around 1980, even=though the economy has doubled once again (the Great Recession notwithstanding), the
wages most Americans =ave stagnated. And their benefits and working conditions have deteriorated.Q=A0 This isn't
because most Americans are worth less. In fact, worker productivity is higher than ever. It's because big corporations,
Wall Street, and some enormously rich individuals have gained political power to organize the market in ways that have
enhanced their wea=th while leaving most Americans behind.
That includes trade agreeme=ts protecting the intellectual property of large corporations and Wall Street's financial
assets, =ut not American jobs and wages. Bailouts of big Wall Street banks and their executives and shareholders when
they can4,=99t pay what they owe, but not of homeowners who can't meet their mortgage =ayments. Bankruptcy
protection for big corporations, allowing them to shed their debts, including labor contracts. But no =ankruptcy
protection for college graduates over-burdened with student debts. Antitrust leniency toward a vast swathe of
American industry — incl=ding Big Cable (Comcast, AT&T, Time-Warner), Big Tech (Amazon, Google), Big Pharma, the
largest Wall Street banks, and giant retailers (Walmart).
With less tolerance toward =abor unions — as workers trying to form unions are fired with impunity, and more states
adopt so-called 40=804oright-to-work" laws that undermine unions. We seem to be heading full speed back to the late
nineteenth century. Robert Reich, "So what will be the galvanizing force for change this time?"
25 years ago a month from today, the New York Times ran its first profile of Barack Obama
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Twenty-five years ago last month, the New York Times<A> ran its first profile of Barack Obama. On February 6, 1990, it
ann=unced (in a headline that's now pretty dated), "First Black Elected to H=ad Harvard's Law Review," and explained
that the 28-year-old's new role=was considered the "highest student position" at the school. Of course, no one was
using the term back them, but Obama went out of his way =o make clear that his election shouldn't be interpreted as
ushering in a post-racial era on the law review staff or in the country. '&#=9;The fact that I've been elected shows a lot
of progress," he t=ld the Times. "It's encouraging." But, he added, "it's important that stories like mine aren't u=ed to
say that everything is O.K. for blacks. You have to remember that for ev=ry one of me, there are hundreds or thousands
of black students with at least equal talent who don't get a chance."
"IT'S IMPORTANT THAT STORIES LIKE MINE AREN'T USED TO SAY THAT EVERYTHING IS =.K. FOR BLACKS."
Barack Obama
There's a hint in the piece that the news was=fraught with tension over whether Obama truly deserved his new role.
The Times quo=es former law review president Peter Yu, who says Obama's election "was a choice on the merits, but
others may read something into it." =C2*For anyone who was around in 2008, that should sound familiar. And
although a lot has change, in many ways little has changed. In America we are yet to live in a post-racial society and
almost every person of color will agree with me.4>=A0 Attached please find the original New York Times article if it is
diffi=ult to read the above graphic.
***itil.<1 =>
Defending the Crusades
=/p>
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In a recent article in The New Republic, Elizabeth Stoker Bruenig pointed out t=e newest lunacy of the Right After
President Barack Obama noted du=ing the last National Prayer Bre=kfast that Christians have commi=ted acts of
violence in the name of Christianity, there are a lot of direc=ions conservatives could have gone. The sanest direction
would have been to accept that Christians=have done terrible things under the banner of faith — even religio=s we find
familiar and comforting can be contorted under the right conditi=ns. This was undoubtedl= the point the president was
attempting to make, in an effort to maintain =ome semblance of fairness as he addressed the problem of Islamic
terrorism=
Instead, a number of conservatives tried to defend =he Crusades herein lies the lunacy.... At National Review Onlin=,
a popular conservative blogging platform, Jonah Goldberg argued that the=Crusades were essentially justified in the
context of what he identifies a= Muslim aggression. "For starters," the Crusades—despite their terrible o=ganized
cruelties — were a defensive war." Note t=at the plural "Crusades" transforms by th= end of the sentence into the
singular "a ... war*=800: Goldberg was closer to the mark at the start of the senten=e than at the end, as there were
multiple Crusades, and each of them were =istinct affairs. Some, for example, were initiated by the papacy; others w=re
initiated by kings against the wishes of the Church, and some, like the=C24>Children's Crusade, now appear to be at
least somewhat myt=ological. More slippery is the tantalizingly italicized word Q=800defensive," which conservatives
also periodically ap=Iy to the Civil War with similar intentions of historical whitewashing.Q=A0
As David Perry points out at The Guardian, a ho=t of other conservative defenses of the Crusades have accompanied
Goldberg=E244>s: from spirited justifications to softer arguments. Louisiana Gov=rnor Bobby Jindal's claim, for
instance, was that the Crusades hap=ened so long ago as to be irrelevant in all modern contexts, and that the =ime
spent discussing them in Obama's speech could have been put to bet=er use combatting ISIS.
One =ould interpret these bizarre defenses as evidence that, for a certain bran= of Christian, the fact that Christians can
and do pervert religion in the=service of evil deeds is literally unbelievable. But this would=seem a remarkable stretch,
given that even Judas Iscariot has a place in t=e Christian economy of salvation. In other words, Christians ca= usually
fathom, when thinking rationally, the idea that terrible things a=e a part of our collective history.
Perhaps conserva=ives merely found the criticisms of the Crusades cynical, given that their=historical distance makes
any genuinely felt implication on the president=E244s behalf unlikely. In this case, the defense of the Cru=ades reads
as a reflexive measure, meant to press Obama into more compromi=ing territory, where he might have the courage to
remark on a Christian at=ocity he himself feels guilty about. Yet it seems unlikely that=offering examples of more recent
Christian evils — such=as racism and slavery, the conquest of the Americas, the Bosnian War, or c=mplicity in the
Rwandan Genocide — would have won Obama any points=for sincerity. Each would most likely be respectively
dismissed=as race baiting, as anti-American, as arguably legitimate, and as irreleva=t.
It's likeliest that the conservative de=ense of the Crusades is directly related to their status as a touchstone o= American
civic religion. When the Crusades are represented in =merican culture now, they are a symbol of Christian gusto,
whether positiv= or negative. They resonate with the idea of a robust, aggressi=e Christianity, a faith with the masculine
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energy to face Islam head-on..C2* This is why the Crusades occupy a special place in the conserva=ive id, and it is why
conservatives appear willing to defend them on gener=l principle, with little regard for historicity.
It is also why criticizing the Crusade= is presented by some conservatives as an alternative to fighting ISIS, as=though if
Obama had simply omitted that remark from his speech at the Nati=nal Prayer Breakfast, the Islamic terror group would
now be vanquished.4>=A0 Of course, no remark made at that breakfast, or any other breakfas=, will be sufficient to
undo the brutality ISIS has already inflicted upon=innocent people. Nor will feverish dreaming about a mythologica=
Christian military history rooted in contemporary American appropriations=of the past advance that goal. Obama's
remark was meant=to cool interfaith hostilities by pointing out no religion has perfect adh=rents; his political opponents
have instead decided to double down on the =isuse of Christian sentiment the president intended to point out, which, i=
nothing else, is proof of the worthiness of his remark. And claimin= that the Crusades, Spanish Inquisition, Slavery and
Jim Crow are defensibl=40=A0is the height of hypocrisy
=font face="Georgia, serir>
Deadly Force, in Black and White
ProPublica analysis of federally collected data on fatal police shoo=ings young black males in recent years were at a far
greater risk of being shot dead b= police than their white counterparts — 21 times greater. The 1,217 deadly police
shootings from 2010 to 2012 captured in the federal data show that blacks, age 15 to 19, were killed at a rate of 31.17
per million, while jus= 1.47 per million white males in that age range died at the hands of police.=C24, One way of
appreciating that stark disparity, ProPublica's analysis shows, is to calculate how many more whites over =hose three
years would have had to have been killed for them to have been at equ=l risk. The number is jarring —185, more than
one per week.</=>
ProPublica&U=9;s risk analysis on young males killed by police certainly seems to support what has been an article of
faith in the African American community for decades: Blacks are being killed at disturbing rates when set against the rest
of the American population. Their examinati=n involved detailed accounts of more than 12,000 police homicides
stretching from 1980 to 2012 contained=in the FBI's Supplementary Homicide Report. The data, annually self-=eported
by hundreds of police departments across the country, confirms some assumptions, runs counter to others, and adds
nuance to a wide range of questions about the u=e of deadly police force. As a result the data is incomplete because a
vast number of the country's 17,000 police departments don't file fatal police shooting reports at all, and many h=ve
filed reports for some years but not others. Florida departments haven'= filed reports since 1997 and New York City last
reported in 2007.
Who Gets Killed?
<=span>
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The finding that young black men are 21 tim=s as likely as their white peers to be killed by police is drawn from reports
filed for th= years 2010 to 2012, the three most recent years for which FBI numbers are available. The black boys killed
can be disturbingly young. There were 41 teens 14 years or younger reported killed by police from 1980 to 2012.
4,=A027 of them were black iii; 8 were white; 4 were Hispanic and 1 was Asian. That's not to say officers weren't killing
white people. Indeed, some 44 perce=t of all those killed by police across the 33 years were white.
=p class="MsoNormal">Who is killing all those black men and boys?</=>
Mostly white=officers. But in hundreds of instances, black officers, too. Black officers account for a little more than 10
percent of =11 fatal police shootings. Of those they kill, though, 78 percent were black.=C2* White officers, given their
great numbers in so many of the country's police departments, are well represented in al= categories of police killings.
White officers killed 91percent of the whites who died at the hands of police.=C24> And they were responsible for 68
percent of the people of color killed. Those people of color represented 46 percent of=all those killed by white officers.
=/p>
What were the circumstances surrounding all these=fatal encounters?
There were 151 instances in which police noted that teens the= had shot dead had been fleeing or resisting arrest at the
time of the encounter. 67 percent of those killed in such circumstances were black. That disparity was even starker in
the last couple of years: of the 15 teens sho= fleeing arrest from 2010 to 2012, 14 were black. The problem with the=e
numbers is that police don't always list the circumstances of the killings because there w=re many deadly shooting
where the circumstances were listed as "undetermine=." 77 percent of those killed in such instances were black.
Certainly, there were instances where police truly feared for their lives. As the data shows that police reported that as
the cause of their actions in far greater numbers a=ter the 1985 Supreme Court decision that said police could only
justify using deadly force if the suspects posed a threat to the officer or others. =From 1980 to 1984, "officer under
attack" was listed as t=e cause for 33 percent of the deadly shootings. Twenty years later, looking at data from 2005 to
2009, "officer under atta=k" was cited in 62 percent of police killings.
Another disturbing trend is that the data shows p=lice are increasingly using something other than a standard handgun
with the Los Ang=les Police Department standing out in its use of shotguns. Most police ki=lings involve officers firing
handguns. But from 1980 to 2012, 714 involved the use of a shotgun. The Los Angeles Police Department has a special
claim=on that category. It accounted for 47 cases in which an officer used a shotgun= The next highest total came from
the Dallas Police Department: 14. So if you want to know why the African American community is upset when young
Black men are killed by Police is because it happens far too ofte=....
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Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu waves as he steps to the lectern prior to speaking befor= a joint meeting of
Congress on Capitol Hill in Washington, Tuesday, March 3, 2015. House Speaker John Boehner of Ohio, left, and Sen.
Orrin Hatch (R-Uta=) applaud.
Over the past almost 30 years I have traveled the world extensively, first, as a Uni=ed States Marine and then later as a
private businessman. On numerous occasion=, especially while traveling through Europe, the Middle East and North
Africa= I have had multiple heated arguments over the years with people regarding the actions and policies of the
United States government. Whether it was Pres. =ill Clinton, George W Bush or Barack Obama, whether I supported the
respective =olicy or not, I constantly defended the actions and policies of my government and pushed back against any
foreigner criticizing the leader of my country. It =id not matter if the person was a private citizen on the street, a
diplomat, a government official or a Head of State, there was no way I could ever allow=an "Outsider" to criticize or
insult my government without getting b=th barrels from me. I've always believed that as Americans we don't ai= our
dirty laundry in public. We can debate these issues amongst ourselves privately a=d respectfully. But we must show a
united front to the world. Don't ask m= why I'm this way, I just am. What I witnessed today inside the US Congress =as
anathema to all I believe. Shameful in fact. Allowing the leader of a forei=n country to openly criticize our president's
foreign policy in front of =ur Congress is an open insult to all Americans and not just Pres. Obama. I pla=e this
dishonorable act squarely on the shoulders of our congressional legislators many of whom I know to be honorable
people. As Americans we sho=ld expect and demand better from our elected leaders. The eyes of the world ar= upon us
and we should conduct ourselves accordingly.
Thomas Coleman — March 4, 2015
<1=>
Like ThomasQ=A0Col=man and many o=her Americans, I was appalled this week at the reception that Israeli Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu received by t=e Republicans when he spoke in front of a joint session of Congress on
Tuesda=. As Chris Mathews bluntly said, "This was a takeover=attempt by Netanyahu with his complying American
partners to take American foreign pol=cy out of the hands of the president."
Chris Matthews, HARDBALL host: Well,=that's -- you know, I'll get to the heart of this speech now. This man from a
foreign government waked into the United States legislative chamber and tried to take over U.S. fore=gn policy. He
said, 'You should trust me, not your president on this. I am the man you should trust, I'm your tru= leader on this
question of U.S. geopolitics. To protect yourself you must listen t= me and not this president.'
Let's be honest here Netanyah= is not interested in peace. He is not interested in peace with Iran and he is not
interested in peace with the Palestinians. Th=s is the same person who along with the necons pushed America into an
unprovoked war in Iraq, claiming that Saddam Hussein was destine to use Weapons of Mass Destruction (which he knew
wa= not true because Mossad interrogated Saddam son-in-law who had run =he program and defected to Jordan before
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returning back to Iraq where he w=s killed)40=A0 to destroy Israel and the West and by taking him out of power would
add to the stability of =he entire Middle East. What a crock.... And although he was =orn in Tel Vivi he was raised in
Pennsylvania, yet he has push the expansion of Jewish settlements=(mostly European immigrants) in the West Bank
displacing Palestinian families who h=ve been living there for hundreds if not thousands of years.
Netan=ahu doesn't believe in a two-state solution. Remember that this is the=same person who started an unnecessary
war in Gaza last summer that killed over 2000 Palestinians, including over 500 innocent children. He is a bully with 200
nuclear weapons himself, telling a country that he has threaten to overthrow that t=ey shouldn'tl>=A0also have a
bomb. This is a person who doesn't try to hide that it might be a good thing to bomb Iran even though they are not a
threat to America. Hey, if I was Iran I would b= trying to develop a bomb too because Netanyahu is a war monger who is
hellbent to des=roy your country's leadership. And on Tuesday he asked that the =merican people trust him instead of
their President. And the Republicans in Congress applauded him Wow.... =C2.
As Chris Mathews said, nowhere in the world would this have happened. Definitely not in China or Russia but also not in
the UK, France or Germany either. In many countries i= would be called sedition. But in their zeal to discredit
America40=804>s first President who is a Person of Color, the Republican opposition invited=a foreign leader with the
goal of demeaning the President's foreign p=licy and undermine his administration's attempts to negotiate a treaty with
=ran that would keep them for pursuing a nuclear weapon for at least ten years. =It would be one thing if Netanyahu a
solution other than don't tru=t your President and you definitely can't trust the Iranians. But he has no solution.... Other
than war.... And do we really w=nt to be part of another unnecessary war in the Middle East?
Chris Matthews, Thomas Coleman and I are not alone as=170 former military officials and intelligence officials, including
6 decorated generals =ho publicly exc=riated Netanyahu for giving the speech, emboldening Iran and poisoning the
relationship between Israel and=the United States. And this response is not limited to the United States, =s yesterday
tens of thousands of Israelis gathered in =el Aviv Square under the banner "Israel wants change" and calling for Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to be replaced in March 17 national elections. Saturday night's rally at Rabin Square is the
highest profile demonstration yet in the run-u= to the election. It is organized by a non-profit organization seeking to
chang= Israel's priorities and refocus on health, education, housing and the c=untry's cost of living. The rally's keynote
speaker is former Mossad chief Meir Dagan who recently slammed Netanyahu Hs conduct and called him "the person
who has caused the greatest strategic damage to Israel."
While many of Netanyahu'= opponents were quick to stress that they share his views on the nuclear deal with Iran
currently on the table, critics denounced the prime minister's speech as a political stunt mean= to bolster his election
chances. "Is the speech, as Netanyahu in=ists, truly and solely about an Iranian atomic bomb?" asked Bradley Burston in
an op-ed ca=led "A Special Place In Hell" for the left-wing newspaper Haar=tz. "The speech is intended to be a game
changer. But the game in question increasingly appears to be that of helping Netanyahu to re-election in 2015."
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"Bibi is there speaking while we're here winning," former justice minister Tzipi Livni tweeted, according to a translation
by Jeremy Pressman.
Isaac Herzog, the leader o= the Zionist Union Party and Netanyahu's main challenger in the upcoming election, told a
crowd of supporters on Tuesday that while he understands Netanyahu's fears about=a nuclear Iran, he was "here, not in
Washington," according =o The Times of Israel.
Herzog also criticized Net=nyahu's tactics, arguing that while "there is no doubt that Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu knows how=to deliver a speech, it will not stop the Iranian nuclear agreement,"
Echoing comments by U.S. President Barack Obama, some in Israel argued that Netanyahu's speech repeated a number
of familiar acc=sations against Iran and denunciations of the nuclear agreement, but offered few pr=ctical solutions.
Michael Oren, Israel's former ambassador to the U.S., =aid on a televised panel Tuesday that Netanyahu "did not offer
any new ideas." In the weeks leading up t= the speech, several Israeli politicians had warned that Netanyahu's presence
in Washington could da=age the alliance between Israel and the United States.
Eitan Cabel, a member of the Knesset for the Zion=st Union party, reiterated those concerns on Tuesday, calling the
speech an act of <=>"political pyromania." Cabel argued that Netanyahu
But as Chris Matthews said, it's a remarkable=day when the leaders of the opposition in Congress allowed this to
happen. Think it throug=. Again.... what country in the world would let a foreign leader come in and attempt to wrest
from the president control of U=S. foreign policy? And that's what the applause was about. That was what the battle of
applauses was about -- to take power away from the president.,=A0 It may succeed and we may see that there's going
to be a lot more legislative intent here in terms of any treaty, a stronger push by Congress to insist on a vote, up or down
on any treaty.4)=A0 But clearly that was what was going on here. Again, this was a ta=eover attempt by Netanyahu
with his compliant American partners to take American foreign pol=cy out of the hands of the president. And this is my
rant of the week
WEEK's READINGS
Why Are So Many Americans in Prison?
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Inmates at the Mule Creek State Prison interact in a gymnasium that was modified to house priso=ers due to
overcrowding in 2007 in lone, California.
=span style="font-family:Georgia,serif;font-size:12ptline-height:107%">C=nsider the following facts:
<=i>With only 4.4% of the world's population, the U.S. has 22% of the world's prison population — that makes us
the world*=804,s largest jailer.
▪ Since 1970, our prison population=has risen 700%.
• One in 99 adults are living behind bars rn the U.S. This marks the highest rate of imprisonment in American
history.
One=in 31 adults are under some form of correctional control, counting prison, jail, parole and probation
populations.
• =he U.S. incarcerates more people — in absolute numbers and per capita — than any other nation in the world,
including the far =ore populous China (which rates 2nd) and Russia (which rates 3rd).
* Incarceration and related=costs have quadrupled over the past 20 years and now account for a staggering 1 out
of every 15 state discretio=ary fund dollars.
We incarcerate young African American men a= a rate of 1 in 9 — higher than any other group of Americans.
We in=arcerate Latinos at almost twice the rate of their white counterparts.
• If you released every person in prison on a=drug charge today, our state prison population would drop from
about 1.5 million to 1.2 millio=.
The incarceration rate of the United States of Am=rica was the highest in the world, at 716 per 100,000 of the national
population. While =he United States represents about 4.4 percent of the world's population, i= houses around 22
percent of the world's prisoners. Imprisonment of America's 2.3 million prisoners, costing $24,000 =er inmate per year,
and $5.1 billion in new prison construction, consumes $60.= billion in budget expenditures. The dramatic,
unprecedented rise in incarceration rates should be a source of g=eat concern to all Americans, because today our
country is less free — =nd more locked down — than at any point in American history.
=p class="MsoNormal">
In the 1980s, the rising number of people incarcerate= as a result of the War on Drugs and the wave of privatization that
occurred unde= the Reagan Administration saw the emergence of the for-profit prison indust=y. Prior to the 1980s,
private prisons did not exist in the US.Q=A0 In a 2011 report by the ACLU, it is claimed that the rise of the for-profit
prison industry is a "major contributor" to mass incarceration, along with bloated state budge=s. Louisiana, for example,
has the highest rate of incarceration in the world with the majority of its prisoners being hous=d in privatized, for-profit
facilities. Such institutions could face bankrupt=y without a steady influx of prisoners. A 2013 Bloomberg report states
that in the past decade the number of inmates =n for-profit prisons throughout the U.S. rose 44 percent.
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Corporations who operate prisons, such as the Correct=ons Corporation of America and The GEO Group, spend
significant amounts of mone= lobbying the federal government along with state governments. The two aforementioned
companies, the largest in the industry, have been contributo=s to the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC),
which lobbies for poli=ies that would increase incarceration, such as three-strike laws and "truth-in-sentencing"
legislation. Prison companies a=so sign contracts with states that guarantee at least 90 percent of prison beds be filled.
If thes= "lockup quotas" aren't met, the state must reimburse the prison company for the unused beds. Prison
companies use the profits to expand and put pressure on lawmakers to incarcerate a certain number of people. This
influence on the government by the private prison industry has been referre= to as the Prison-industrial complex.
=span style="font-size:12pt;line-height:107%;font-family:Georgia,serif"><=r>
The "War on Drugs" is a policy that was ini=iated by Richard Nixon with the Comprehensive Drug Abuse Prevention and
Control Act =f 1970 and vigorously pursued by Ronald Reagan. By 2010, drug offenders=in federal prison had increased
to 500,000 per year, up from 41,000 in 1985. Drug related c=arges accounted for more than half the rise in state
prisoners. 31million people have been arrested on d=ug related charges, approximately 1 in 10 Americans.
After the passage of Reagan's Anti-Drug Abuse Act=in 1986, incarceration for non-violent offenses dramatically
increased. The Ac= imposed the same five-year mandatory sentence on users of crack as on those possessing 100 times
as much powder cocaine. This had a disproportionate effect on low-level street dealers and users of crack, who were
more common=y poor blacks, Latinos, the young, and women. Courts were given more discreti=n in sentencing by the
Kimbrough v. United States (2007) decision, and the disparity was decreased to 18:1 by the Fair Sentencing Act of 2010.
A= of 2006, 49.3% of state prisoners, or 656,000 individuals, were incarcerated for non-violent crimes. As of =008,
90.7% of federal prisoners, or 165,457 individuals, were incarcerated for non-violent offenses.
=p class="MsoNormal">
By 2003, 58% of all women in federal prison were conv=cted of drug offenses. Women of color are disproportionately
affected by the War on Drugs. African American wom=n's incarceration rates for all crimes, largely driven by drug
convictions, have increased by 800% since 1986, compared to an increase of 400% for women of other races. Accor=ing
to the American Civil Liberties Union, "Even when women have minimal or no involvement in the drug trade, they are
increasingly caught in the ever-widening net cast by current drug laws, thr=ugh provisions of the criminal law such as
those involving conspiracy, accompli=e liability, and constructive possession that expand criminal liability to re=ch
partners, relatives and bystanders."
These new policies also disproportionately affect Afr=can-American women. According to Dorothy E. Roberts, the
explanation is that poor women,=who are disproportionately black, are more likely to be placed under constant
supervision by the State in order to receive social services. They ar= then more likely to be caught by officials who are
instructed to look specifically for drug offenses. Robert= argues that the criminal justice system's creation of new crimes
has a =irect effect on the number of women, especially black women, who then become incarcerated.
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Increasingly long prison sentences, which have been a=opted by many states over the past 20 years, have had a
negligible effect on reducin= crime rates. More importantly there is little evidence that higher incarceration rates result
in lower crime rates=in the first place. More than half of all people released from prison return within three years. One
reason for=this is that imprisonment, especially for lengthy sentences, destabilizes individuals, families and en=ire
communities, which can create a dangerous recipe for higher crime rates.,=A0 On top of this, upon release most
convicts return to society without sufficient skills and training enabling them to secure meaningful employment.
<=p>
Even though white Americans constitute the majority o= the population and commit crimes at comparable rates to that
of people of color= African Americans and Latinos overwhelming and disproportionately bear the brunt of mass
incarceration. The result is that people of color constitute 60% of our prison population while remaining a distinct
minority of our general population. Sadly, our criminal justice system perpetuates racial and economic divisions. If our
children see minorities treated unfairly and nothing bein= done about it, stereotyping and injustice are carried into
future generatio=s.
Prisons should be the last resort. We must stre=gthen proven alternatives to prison, especially for low-level and non-
violent drug offenses. Incar=eration should be eliminated as a penalty for certain classes of low-level, nonviolent
offenses. =e must distinguish between those in prison who are ready to re-enter society and t=ose who continue to
pose threats to public safety. Cost-effective alterna=ives to incarceration and drug treatment programs must be
strengthened, and regular, systemic evaluations of our criminal justice systems should be required. And w= need to
incorporate education so that when convicts are released they have meaningful skills and trades.</=>
In America, our criminal justice system should keep communities safe and treat people fairly, regardless of the color of
their =kin or the size of their bank account. In order for our system to do a good job, it must be cost-effective by using
o=r taxpayer dollars and public resources wisely, in an evidence-based rather t=an fear-based manner. But our criminal
justice system is not doing a good job. It has failed on every count: publi= safety, fairness and cost-effectiveness. For
another prospective feel free to look at the attached Slate arti=le by Leon Neyfakh — Why Are So Many Americans in
Prison?
<=pan style="font-size:Upt;line-height:107%;font-family:Georgia,serir>
Breaking Down President Obama's Point About Christian Crusades and Islamic Extre=ism
<http://=ww.thegospelcoalition.orgiblogs/kevindeyoung/files/2015/02/crusades.jpg> <=pan style="font-size:12ptline-
height:107%;font-family:Georgia,serif">
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The=conservative Twitterverse is all riled up because at Thursday's (Feb. 5) National Prayer Breakfast (an event founded
and run=by the secretive Christian organization known as The Fellowship), President Obama =aid that Christians, as well
as Muslims, have at times committed atrocities:O=A0
<=pan style="font-size:12ptline-height:107%;font-family:Georgia,serir>Hi= words:
Humanity has been grappling with these questions throughout human history. And lest we get on our high horse and
think this is unique t= some other place, remember that during the Crusades and the Inquisition, pe=ple committed
terrible deeds in the name of Christ. In our home country, slaver= and Jim Crow all too often was justified in the name of
Christ.<=p>
This would s=em to be Religious History 101, but it was nonetheless met with shock and awe.
"Hey, American Christians-Obama just thr=w you under the bus in order to defend Islam," wrote shock jock Michael
Graham. Rep. Marlin Stutzman, R-Ind., called the comments "dangerously irresponsible." The Catholic League's Bill
Donohue said: "Oba=a's ignorance is astounding and his comparison is pernicious. The Crusades were=a defensive
Christian reaction against Muslim madmen of the Middle Ages."=
More=thoughtfully, Russell Moore, president of the Southern Baptist Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission, called
Obama's comment= about Christianity
an unfortunate attempt at a wrongheaded moral comparison... The evil actions that he mentioned were clearly outside
the moral parameter= of Christianity itself and were met with overwhelming moral opposition from Christians.
Really?
1. The Crusades
The Crusades lasted almost 200 yea=s, from 1095 to 1291. The initial spark came from Pope Urban II, who urged
Christians to recapture th= Holy Land (and especially the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem) from Muslim rule= Like the
promise of eternal life given to Muslim martyrs, Crusaders were promised absolution from sin and eternal glory.
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Militarily, the Crusades were at =irst successful, capturing Jerusalem in 1099, but eventually a disaster; Jersualem fell in
1187. Successive Crusades set far more modest goals, but eventually failed to ach=eve even them. The last Crusader-
ruled city in the Holy Land, Acre, fell in 129=.
Along the way, the Crusaders massacred. =o take but one example, the Rhineland Massacres of 1096 are remembered
to this day as some=of the most horrific examples of anti-Semitic violence prior to the Holocaust. (Why go to the Holy
Land to fight nonbelievers, many wondered, when they li=e right among us?) The Jewish communities of Cologne,
Speyer, Worms, and Main= were decimated. There were more than 5,000 victims.
And that was only one example. Tens of thousands of people (both soldiers and civilians) were killed in the conquest of
Jerusalem. The Crusaders themselves suffered; historians estimate that only one in 20 surv=ved to even reach the Holy
Land. It is estimated that 1.7 million people died i= total.
2. The In=uisition
While most of us regard "The Inquisition" as a particular event, it actually refers to a set of institutions within the Ro=an
Catholic Church that operated from the mid-13th century until the 19th cent=ry. One actually still survives, now known
as the Congregation for the Doctrine=of the Faith, which was directed by Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger before his 2005
election as Pope Benedict XVI.
<=p>
These institutions were charged with prosecuting h=resy -- and prosecute they did, executing and torturing thousands of
suspected witches, converts from Judaism (many of whom had been forced to convert), Protestant=, and all manner of
suspected heretics, particularly in the 15th and 16th centuries. Historians estimate that 150,000 people were put on trial
by the Inquisition, with 3,000 executed.
Arguably, the Islamic State's methods of ex=cution -- including crucifixion, beheading, and, most recently, burning a
prisoner al=ve -- are as gruesome as the Inquistion's, with its infamous hangings and =urnings at the stake. ISIS is also
committing systematic rape, which the Inquisitio= did not, and enslaving children.
As for torture, however, it's hard to do wor=e than the Inquisition, which used torture as a method of extracting
confessions. Meth=ds included starvation, burning victims' bodies with hot coals, forced over-consumption of water,
hanging by straps, thumbscrews, metal pincers, a=d of course, the rack. Believe it or not, all of this was meant to be for
the victim's own good: better to confess heresy in this life, even under du=ess, than to be punished for it in the next.
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Contrary to Moore's statement, the In=uisition was not "outside the moral parameters of Christianity itself and ... met
with =verwhelming moral opposition from Christians." Though Moore may distinguish betwee= 'Christianity' and the
Roman Catholic Church, for all intents and p=rposes the Roman Catholic Church WAS Christianity at the time, or at least
claimed to =e.
<=pan style="font-size:14ptline-height:107%;font-family:Georgia,serir>3.=C2* Slavery and Jim Crow
Of course, there was also o=ganized Christian opposition to slavery and to Jim Crow, and Christianity is at least as much
the property =f the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr., as of the segregationists and slaveholder= of the Old South. But this was
precisely Obama's point: All religions have=their hateful extremists, and their prophets of justice.
What about popularity? Do more=Muslims support the Islamic State today than Christians supported Jim Crow in the
past? No. At the heig=t of the KKK's popularity in the 1920s, approximately 15 percent of white=male Americans were
members. That number is eerily similar to the 12 percent of Muslims worldwide who support terrorism today.
In other words, not only is Obama =actually correct that Christian extremism across history has been at least as bloody
as Muslim extremism today, it is also factually true that such extremisms have been equally popular. True, as Rush
Limbaugh points out, the Crusades were "=a thousand years ago," the Inquisition ended 200 years ago, and Jim Crow
legally ended in the 1960s. But the president specifically noted that "humanity has been grappling with these questions
throughout human history."
Which is the real point. There are two narratives about radical Islamists, and indeed about enemies of any sort, that
coexist in American culture. According to one, they are different from us -- Muslims, Palestinians, Israelis, Communists,
you name it. Thus, in the battle agains= Islamic extremism, Islam is, in part at least, the enemy.
The other narrative is =hat all peoples, all creeds, all nations contain elements of moderation and extremism. Thankfully,
racist Christian extremists are today a tiny minority within American Christianity= But only 100 years ago, they were as
popular among American Christians as t=e Islamic State is among Muslims today. Thus, in the battle against Islamic
extremism, it is extremism that is the enemy.
Hysterical commentary notwithstanding, no one is suggesting that Christians are just like the Islamic State. But Obama
did suggest that Christianity is like Islam; both faiths have the capacity to be exploited b= extremists.
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Christians should not be insulted by the facts of history. Rather, all of us should be inspired by them to recognize the
dangers of extremism -- wherever they lie.
=span style="font-size:lOpt;line-height:107%;font-family:Georgia,serif">1=y Michaelson — 02/07/2015 — Religion News
Service
Rever=e Home Mortgages — good or not?
If you watch commercial television like I do you have obviously seen the many ads promoting Reverse Home Mortgages.
These c=mmercials often show an older white couple in some sort of casual activity basking in the sunshine. And
a=though these ads suggest a passive sell, the repetition makes them among the hardest selling products being touted
o= television. So seeing a Pros and Cons Guide disguising an ad, I thought that I would try to figure out exactly what
Reverse Mortgage =re....
=p class="MsoNormal">Wikipedia: A reverse mortgage is a home loan that provides cash payments based on home
equity.=C24, Homeowners normally "defer payment of the loan until they di=, sell, or move out of the home." Upon
the death of homeowners, their heirs either give up ownership to the home or must refinance the home to
purchase=the title from the reverse mortgage company. Specific rules for reverse m=rtgage transactions vary
depending on the laws of the jurisdiction.
I would describe=Reverse Mortgages a little different. They are credit facility that =nables homeowners to pawn their
homes. And it does it in a way that the borrower doesn't sense the accruing debt, which are monthly interest payments
that continue to grow until death. Generall= Reverse Mortgages are cap at 50% of the equity in the home and limited to
$625,500. In a Reverse Mortgage= your actual loan amount is determined by a calculation that uses the appraised value
of your home, =he amount of money you owe on the home, your age and current interest rates. <=span>
<=p>
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Eligibility =equirements vary by lender. To qualify for a reverse mortgage the borrower has to be over a certain age,
usually 60 or 65 years =f age; if the mortga
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