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UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF FLORIDA
Case No. 9:08-cv-80736-ICAM
JANE DOE 1 AND JANE DOE 2,
Petitioners,
v.
UNITED STATES,
Respondent.
JANE DOE 1 AND JANE DOE 2'S RESPONSE IN OPPOSITION TO THE
GOVERNMENT'S MOTION FOR SUMMARY JUDGMENT
Jane Doe 1 and Jane Doe 2 (also referred to as - the victims"), by and through
undersigned counsel, pursuant to Fed. R. Civ. P. 56 and Local Rule 56.1, file this response in
opposition the Government's Cross-Motion for Summary Judgment (DE 401-2). In support,
they state:
I. INTRODUCTION
As the victims explained in their motion for summary judgment (DE 361), the undisputed
facts of this case show that for nine months, the Government and Epstein conspired to conceal a
non-prosecution agreement (NPA) from Epstein's victims in order to prevent them from voicing
any objection to the agreement. These facts constitute proof of clear violations of the Crime
Victims' Rights Act (CVRA), warranting summary judgment on that point and moving the case
forward to a consideration of what remedy is available for those violations.
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The Government has now responded to the victims' summary judgment motion, arguing
that the victims' summary judgment motion should be denied and even going so far as to contend
that it is entitled to summary judgment on this case. DE 401-2. In a concurrently-filed
pleading, the victims have responded to the Government's proposed "undisputed" facts. In this
pleading, the victims explain why the Government is not entitled to summary judgment in this
case. Indeed, as the victims argue in a separately-filed pleading replying in support of their
motion for judgment, on several important issues they are entitled to summary judgment.
In this response, the victims respond point-by-point to the Government's motion for
summary judgment. Part II explains why, after the Government identified both Jane Doe I and
Jane Doe 2 as "victims" of Epstein, they were entitled to the CVRA's protections. Part III
explains why, on the facts of this particular case, they had a right to confer about the NPA. Part
IV explains that the Government violated their right to confer about the NPA and about other
important aspects of this case. Part V explains that the Government violated the victims' right to
reasonable and accurate notice about Epstein's guilty pleas triggering the NPA. Part VI explains
that the Government violated the victims' right to fair treatment. Part VII explains that the
Government did not use its "best efforts" to protect the victims' rights as specified in the CVRA.
Parts VIII and IX respond to the Government's arguments that the victims are somehow
estopped from seeking relief from this Court. And Part X concludes by demonstrating that the
Government is not entitled to summary judgment on any of these issues.'
Summary judgment for the Government is also inappropriate at this time because the Court has not yet ruled on the
victims' motion to compel additional discovery, filed on December 28, 2015. Of course, that discovery might
provide an additional basis for disputing the Government's position. In addition, the victims have
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Before turning to these particular issues, it is worth recalling the well-known standards
for summary judgment. While the Government's summary judgment motion pays little attention
to these standards, on a motion for summary judgment, "a party asserting that a fact cannot be or
is genuinely disputed must support the assertion by: (A) citing to particular parts of materials in
the record, including depositions, documents, electronically stored information, affidavits or
declarations, stipulations (including those made for purposes of the motion only), admissions,
interrogatory answers, or other materials; or (B) showing that the materials cited do not establish
the absence or presence of a genuine dispute, or that an adverse party cannot produce admissible
evidence to support the fact." Rodriguez v. City of Miami, Fla„ 907 F. Supp. 2d 1327, 1330
(S.D. Fla. 2012) (citing Fed. R. Civ. P. 56(c)(1)).
Here, of course, the court has before cross-motions for summary judgment, one filed by
the victims and one filed by the Government. In such circumstances, "A district court's
disposition of cross-motions for summary . . . employs the same legal standards applied when
only one party files a motion." Bellitto v. Snipes, No. 16-CV-61474, 2017 WL 2972837, at *7
(S.D. Fla. July 12, 2017) (citing United States v. Oakley, 744 F.2d 1553, 1555 (11th Cir. 1984)
("Cross-motions for summary judgment will not, in themselves, warrant the court in granting
summary judgment unless one of the parties is entitled to judgment as a matter of law on facts
that are not genuinely disputed.") (quoting Bricklayers Intl Union, Local 15 v. Stuart Plastering
Co., 512 F.2d 1017, 1023 (5th Cir. 1975)). In evaluating cross motions, "[a] court must consider
contemporaneously filed a Motion for finding of Waiver of Work Product and Similar Protections by the
Government for the Production of Documents. Any consideration of the Government's Summary Judgment motion
is premature until that motion has been resolved.
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each motion on its own merits, resolving all reasonable inferences against the party whose
motion is under consideration." Bettina v. Snipes, No. 16-CV-61474, 2017 WL 2972837, at *7
(internal quotations omitted).
II. LIKE OTHER CRIME VICTIMS, JANE DOE 2 IS ENTITLED TO THE
PROTECTIONS OF THE CRIME VICTIMS RIGHTS ACT.
Remarkably, as its lead substantive argument in this case, the Government chooses not to
defend its conduct but rather to attack one of Epstein's child sex abuse victims. The Government
contends that Jane Doe 2 demonstrated that she "did not want to be treated as a victim with rights
provided by the CVRA." DE 401-2 at 3. The Government points to certain statements made by
Jane Doe 2, while she was fearful of Epstein, as evidence of this fact. As a defense for its failure
to afford Jane Doe 2 and Epstein's other victims their rights, the Government's argument is
meritless.
At the outset, it is important to understand that this CVRA action is brought on behalf of
Jane Doe I, Jane Doe 2, and "many other young victims of [Epstein's] crimes." DE 9 at I. Even
if the Government could somehow establish that it afforded Jane Doe 2 her rights, this case
would still need to move forward with regard to other victims.
But the Government never afforded Jane Doe 2 her rights. The Government paints a
distorted factual picture of its interactions with Jane Doe 2, so it is important to review all of the
interactions.
A. Jane Doe 2 Was a "Victim" of Epstein and Entitled to the Protections of the
CVRA.
No dispute exists between the parties that from approximately 2002 to 2005, at the time
when Jane Doe 2 was a minor, Epstein repeatedly sexually abused her. See DE 361-27 at ¶ 2
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(declaration of Jane Doe 2). Jane Doe 2 has provided a declaration to that effect (DE 361-27),
without contradiction from Epstein or the Government), and ample corroborating evidence exists
on this point. Indeed, the fact that Epstein had sexually abused Jane Doe 2 was one of the first
undisputed facts in the victims' motion for summary judgment — and the Government did not
dispute this fact. Compare DE 361, Victims' Undisputed Fact 1 ("Between about 1999 and
2007, Jeffrey Epstein sexually abused more than 30 minor girls, including Jane Doe 1 and Jane
Doe 2, at his mansion in Palm Beach, Florida .. . .") with DE 407, Gov't's Resp. to Undisputed
Fact 1 ("Admitted").
As part of its investigation of Epstein's crimes, the Government later approached Jane
Doe 2 in around September 2006. As the Government points out (DE 401-2 at 2), when it
initially approached Jane Doe 2, she was concerned that the Government might try to prosecute
her — rather than Epstein.2 As she explained — again, without contradiction from the
Government — "[m]y son was very young when the FBI came to speak with me the first time. I
did not know what to do and I was scared. . . . I believed that if I told the truth about what
happened at Epstein's house, the police would take my baby from me. That made me really
scared." Jane Doe 2 Decl., DE 361-27 at 19[3.
2 Jane Doe 2's concerns turned out to be well-founded. Not only did the Government never prosecute Epstein, but
later in these proceedings the Government has suggested that Jane Doe 2 "may have been complicit in the offenses .
. .. Specifically that [she, herself] procured additional young women for Mr. Epstein and [was] paid commissions or
referral fees for it." Hrng. Tr. (Nov. 23, 2015) at 4 (statement of AUSA Lee).
The Government later backed off from this assertion, perhaps recognizing that its "blame-the-victim"
strategy conflicted with the Justice Department's other statements on combatting sex abuse and trafficking.
Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr. Delivers Remarks at Justice Department Event Marking National Slavery and
Human Trafficking Prevention Month (Jan. 29, 2015) http:/Avww.justice.gov/opa/speech/attomey-general-eric-h-
holder-jr-delivers-remarks-justice-department-event-marking.
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Fearful and not knowing who else to turn to, Jane Doe 2 called Epstein, who told her not
to worry and that he would hire a lawyer for her. Id. As the Government explains, it was this
Epstein-paid attorney who arranged that the Government would not try to prosecute Jane Doe 2
for actions that Epstein might have forced to take. DE 401-2 at 2.
Ultimately the Government interviewed Jane Doe 2 in April 2007 — months before the
NPA was negotiated. During the course of that interview, Jane Doe 2 provided some statements
that were favorable to Epstein. See id. at 2-3 (providing illustrations). The reason for these
statements, presumably well understood by the Government's investigators, was that Jane Doe 2
"had been greatly intimidated, which is why [she] could not be truthful initially and [why she]
wanted to end the threat of the possibility of [her] child being taken." Jane Doe 2 Decl., DE 361-
27 at 1 1 6. It is the belief of Jane Doe 2 that "the prosecutors knew the truth [about the sexual
abuse of Jane Doe 2] because of the volume of evidence they had, and they continued to
recognize me as a victim of Epstein's crimes." Id. at 1 1 5. The Government does not contest
that assertion anywhere in its pleadings.
Based on its inconclusive interview with Jane Doe 2 in April 2007, the Government
contends that Jane Doe 2 has not carried her burden of showing of her status as a victim and her
desire to consult with the prosecutor." DE 401-2 at 3 (order of clauses rearranged). But, as
explained above, the Government does not deny that Jane Doe 2 was, in fact, a sex abuse victim
of Epstein. Nor does the Government deny that it sent "victim" notification letters to Jane Doe
2, both before it negotiated the NPA and after. See, e.g., DE 407 at 12,11 93-95 (Gov't Resp. to
Victims' Statement of Undisputed Facts) (conceding a victim notification letter was sent to Jane
Doe 2 in Jan. 2008). As the Court is well aware, one of the victims' central claims in this case is
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whether such victim notification letters improperly concealed the existence of the NPA from the
victims. The Government concealed the NPA not only from other victims, but also from Jane
Doe 2.
The Government also artificially limits the period of time for which it claims that Jane
Doe 2 was not cooperating with them. In particular, a careful review of the Government's
summary judgment motion reveals the Government's position that Jane Doe has failed to
establish a CVRA violation "during the period between the videotaped interview [i.e., April
2007] and the signing of the Non-Prosecution Agreement [i.e. September 2007]." DE 401-2 at 3.
But, of course, this case involves far more than this narrow time period. For example, this case
involves deceptive victim notification letters sent in January 2008 and incomplete notification in
June-July 2008. With regard to those events, the Government makes no claim that Jane Doe 2
has failed to carry her burden of showing that she desired consultations and notifications.
Presumably the reason for this is that it can make no such showing. For example, in June-July
2008, Jane Doe 2 was represented not by an Epstein-paid attorney, but rather by undersigned
counsel (Bradley J. Edwards). At that point, through legal counsel, Jane Doe 2 was actively
attempting to secure the prosecution of Epstein — and the Government was assiduously trying to
conceal the agreement it had reached with Epstein. See DE 361 at 31-39; Edwards Aff. of Aug.
11, 2017, at 11 11-19. All of the Government's arguments about what Jane Doe 2 was doing
back in April 2007 have no relevance to that time period.
Jane Doe 2 has provided a fuller explanation of all of the relevant events than has the
Government. As she attests in her declaration:
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The more I thought about what was going on, the more I realized that what
Epstein had done to both me and my friends was wrong and that anyone who is
not very wealthy would be punished. At this time, I wanted Epstein held
accountable the same way anyone else would be. I spoke about this with one of
my friends around May 2008. I then called an attorney, Brad Edwards, around
June 2008, understanding that he was hired to get the prosecutors to talk to us and
hear the truth from me. That was especially important to me because I was finally
represented by someone other than Epstein's attorney and wanted to talk to the
prosecutors about everything I knew.
The prosecutors had a lot of information revealing the truth about the
situation of Epstein's house. I had a lot of information, too, because I was one of
the young teenagers who had brought many other young teenagers to Epstein for
the purpose of getting paid by Epstein. I wanted to assist the prosecutors in the
investigation. I hired Mr. Edwards to let them know that I was cooperative and
ready to tell them all of the helpful information I had. I understood that Mr.
Edwards did that.
I authorized Mr. Edwards to join me in the lawsuit against the U. S.
Attorney's Office to enforce my rights and to try to get me my chance to confer
with the prosecutors before Mr. Epstein took a plea or the case was resolved in
any way. I just wanted to be treated fairly in the process.
When Epstein pled guilty to a state crime at the end of June 2008, no one
notified me that his plea had anything to do with my case against him. I did not
know, for example, that this plea had some connection to a crime he committed
against me particularly. In fact, at this young age, I had no idea what was going
on and nobody tried to explain it me.
DE 361-27 at 1-2 (paragraph numbering removed). Once again, the Government does not even
discuss this important information from Jane Doe 2, much less show how it could possibly obtain
summary judgment in the face of such statements conflicting directly with its assertions.
B. Jane Doe 2's Actions Were Consistent with Actions of Other Sex Abuse
Victims, As Recounted in the Scientific Literature on Victimization.
Finally, notably lacking from the Government's pleadings is any suggestion that it ever
really thought that Jane Doe 2 was not one of Epstein's victims. The Government was
presumably well aware of the reasons why Jane Doe 2 was reluctant, at least initially, to fully
cooperate with the Government. Jane Doe 2's behavior was, in fact, very consistent with that of
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other victims of sex abuse, who suffer from a myriad of adverse psychological consequences as a
result of the abuse. The available academic research shows that these consequences include
wide-ranging symptoms of conditions such as depression, anxiety, dissociative disorder,
somatoform disorder, sexual dysfunction and aggression. These kinds of psychological
symptoms may delay or prevent a victim from seeking help or from self-identifying as having
suffered abuse. See generally Bincy Wilson & Lisa D. Butler, Running a Gauntlet: A Review of
Victimization and Violence in the Pre-entry, Post-entry, and Perilpost-exit Periods of
Commercial Sexual Exploitation., 6 PSYCHOLOGICAL TRAUMA: THEORY, RESEARCH, PRACTICE,
AND POLICY 494-504 (2013). It is common for sexual exploiters to lure young and
disenfranchised individuals into their social circle. They then exploit the victims' vulnerabilities
such as the need for love and affection to gain control over their victims, particularly with young
women. See Kristin A. Hom & Stephanie J. Woods, Trauma and its Aftermath for Commercially
Sexually Exploited Women as Told by Front-Line Service Providers, 34 ISSUES IN MENTAL
HEALTH NURSING 75, 77 (2013). In such situations, the victim is commonly persuaded primarily
through seduction, promises of material items or love, and a belief that the abuser is actually
their "boyfriend." See Wilson & Butler, supra, at 497-98. Sexual exploiters may also charm
victims into having or soliciting sex from others to maintain a friendly relationship and to
distance the victim from any family or professional support. See id.
The academic research also shows that sexual exploiters are also able to create a
"pseudofamily" structure that imitates a real family unit, which capitalizes on attachment
patterns that victims likely learned from their own families, and provides a measure of support
that many of these victims are seeking. See Wilson & Butler, supra, at 498-99. Traffickers are
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able to maintain control over their victims through violent and non-violent tactics. See Hom &
Woods, supra, at 77. Non-violent tactics include, but are not limited to, manipulation, fear,
incessant monitoring, threats, coercion, intimidation, and isolation. Id.
Another method of control involves the significant bond that can develop between an
exploiter and a victim. Id. Victims of sex trafficking often develop a relationship with their
abuser that closely mirrors "Stockholm Syndrome." Stockholm Syndrome occurs when victims
of hostage situations develop a positive bond with their captor. When victims of sex trafficking
develop this sort of bond with their abusers, it can be difficult to obtain their cooperation in a
case against the abuser because of the psychological manipulation tactics abusers employ to
maintain control over their victims. Id. This bond can develop when factors such as perceived
threat to survival, perceptions of kindness, isolation, and perceived inability to escape are present
in the trafficker-victim relationship. See Shirley Julich, Stockholm Syndrome and Child Sexual
Abuse, 14 JOURNAL OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE 107 (2005); Dee L. R. Graham, Edna I. Rawlings
& Roberta K. Rigsby, LOVING TO SURVIVE: SEXUAL TERROR, MEN'S VIOLENCE, AND WOMEN'S
DvEs (1994).
For some sex trafficking victims, there is an overt threat to their survival, where the abuser
has acted on threats of harm or has made very clear that they will act on those threats. For others,
the threat to survival is more subtle, but no less impactful. Emotional abuse or threats of harm
also constitute a threat to survival. Victims bond with their abusers as a survival mechanism, and
when there is a perceived threat to survival, the bond strengthens. See Graham et al. supra;
Julich, supra. Victims of sex trafficking also begin to perceive kindness differently as a result of
the abuse they experience. Sexual exploiters often alternate from aggression and threats to
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flattery, apologies, and positive attention as a means to exploit the vulnerabilities in their victims.
Many victims believe that their abusers actually love them, which is perceived as kindness. This
is the case between many exploiters and the women who are their victims. Victims may also
minimize the abuse they've experienced by making statements like "at least he didn't..." and "it
could have been worse." Over time, all victims of sex trafficking will likely interpret many small
actions as demonstrations of kindness, which other individuals who have not been subjected to
the same sort of trauma would not perceive that way. See Graham et al. supra; Julich, supra.
On the surface, it may appear that a sex abuse victim is not isolated and should be able to
seek help because they still have contact with people around them. However, the psychological
manipulation tactics that sex traffickers and other abusers employ to prevent victims from
disclosing their abuse, including threats, intimidation and coercion, usually result in victims
becoming convinced that the abuse is their own fault; that no one will believe them if they
disclose the abuse; and that they deserve the terrible treatment. So instead of being physically
isolated from others, sex trafficking victims become psychologically isolated from every outside
perspective and begin to see the world through only the perspective of their abuser. This sort of
psychological isolation can be extremely difficult to alter once it has been ingrained in the victim
See Graham et al. supra; Julich, supra. Victims of sexual exploitation also develop a perception
that they cannot escape their abuse as a result of the aforementioned psychological manipulation
tactics used by sex traffickers. See Graham et al. supra; Julich, supra.
In sum, viewing the world through an abuser's perspective — that anyone who would be
willing to help a victim is the enemy — leads victims to also believe that anyone who could help
them is the enemy. This is how it is common for the abuser to become the "good guy" or hero in
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a victim's mind. When sex trafficking victims have been through this sort of situation, it may
take quite a while to change the warped perceptions they develop as a result of their abuse, and it
may be extremely difficult to obtain the help of a victim in bringing justice against the trafficker.
See Graham et al. supra; Julich, supra.
Against this backdrop, Jane Doe 2's behavior is hardly unusual. And, more important for
present purposes, the fact that she behaved in ways that are common for sex abuse victims hardly
constitutes a basis for the Government to fail to provide her victims' rights. If Congress wanted,
it could have drafted the CVRA with a provision in it requiring that victims cooperate with the
Government as a precondition to receiving their rights. Congress did not add any such provision,
presumably recognizing — as the academic research just summarized proves — that such an
approach would strip many victims who are most in need of protection of their CVRA rights.
Nothing that the Government describes in Jane Doe 2's behavior justifies a failure to provide her
with her rights. Accordingly, the Government is not entitled to summary judgment with respect
to Jane Doe 2's CVRA claims on the first argument that it advances.
III. IN THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF THIS PARTICULAR CASE, THE VICTIMS
HAD A RIGHT TO CONFER ABOUT THE NON-PROSECUTION
AGREEMENT THAT BARRED FEDERAL PROSECUTION OF EPSTEIN FOR
CRIMES COMMITTTED AGAINST THEM.
The Government's next argument is that the victims had no right to confer about the non-
prosecution agreement. DE 401-2 at 4-9. Here the Government's argument breaks into two
pieces. The Government first argues that it had no obligation to tell the victims about the NPA.
Id. at 4-6. The Government then argues, in some tension to its first argument, that a
congressional amendment to the CVRA in 2015 retracted whatever authority might have
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previously existed for such a right to confer. Id. at 6-9. Neither argument is correct — and
certainly neither argument rests on an undisputed factual foundation that would provide a basis
for summary judgment. We first review the relevant facts, which show deliberate actions by the
Government to conceal the NPA; we then address the Government's legal claims, which lack
any merit as well.
A. Deliberately Concealing the Non-Prosecution Agreement from the Victims
Violates their Right to Confer.
In this section of its motion, the Government makes a primarily legal argument,
essentially devoid of any factual component. In doing so, the Government erects a strawman.
The Government characterizes the victims' position as being that the CVRA creates an
obligation on the Government in all cases and in all circumstances to immediately inform crime
victims whenever it enters into a non-prosecution agreement. The Government then argues that
the CVRA does not create such a broad right. DE 401-2 at 4-9.
The Government here mischaracterizes the victims' position. What the undisputed facts
show is not merely a failure to notify the victims about the NPA, but a much broader conspiracy
with Epstein to affirmatively conceal the NPA from the victims. See Part IV.A, infra; see also
DE 361 at 19, 1 48 (undisputed fact proffered by the victims, without objection from the
Government, noting Epstein's counsel was aware that "the Office was deliberately keeping the
NPA secret from the victims and, indeed, had sought assurances to that effect."). While in some
cases an issue might arise about how broadly to construe the Government's notification and
conferral obligations in connection with a non-prosecution agreement, here there is no close call.
However far such rights might ultimately be construed to reach, at a minimum it must surely
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prevent the Government from "deliberately keeping secret" the most important aspect of the
resolution of the case — i.e., an agreement by federal prosecutors not to prosecute Epstein and his
co-conspirators from the numerous crimes that he had committed against the victims. To
"confer" has standard dictionary definitions, such as:
• "to hold conversation or conference now typically on important, difficult, or complex
matters: compare views: take counsel: consult, deliberate." WEBSTER'S THIRD NEW
INTERNATIONAL DICTIONARY 475 (1993).
• "to compare views or take counsel: consult." MERRIAM-WEBSTER'S COLLEGIATE
DICTIONARY (11th ed. 2006).
• "to come together to take counsel and exchange views." Bryan A. Gamer, GARNER'S
DICTIONARY OF LEGAL USAGE (3d ed. 2011).
• "to hold a conference; to consult with one another." BLACK'S LAW DICTIONARY (10th ed.
2014).
Clearly the Government did not "compare views" or "exchange views" on the NPA while it
was "deliberately" keeping the agreement "secret" from the victims. To provide one
straightforward example of a violation of the Government's conferral obligations, when attorney
Bradley J. Edwards (representing Jane Doe 1 and Jane Doe 2) repeatedly called the Government
in June 2008 to discuss federal prosecution of Epstein, rather than disclose the existence of the
previously-filed NPA barring federal prosecution of Epstein, the Government concealed the
existence of the NPA. See generally Edwards Aff. of Aug. 11, 2017 at 1 1 11-25.
Clearly, at a minimum, the Government's claims that it afforded the victims their right to
confer are heavily disputed in light of affidavit submitted by Mr. Edwards. As he explains in
detail, he had a series of phone calls with the line prosecutor from mid-June through the next
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several weeks. During those calls, the line prosecutor continually created the impression that no
resolution of the case was imminent:
During the telephone calls I had with Villafafia between mid and late June 2008,
she never informed me that previously, in September 2007, the U.S. Attorney's
Office had reached a non-prosecution agreement with Epstein. She never
informed me that any resolution of the criminal matter was imminent at that time,
nor even that such a resolution was being contemplated. In fact, Villafafia gave
me the impression that the Federal investigation was on-going, very expansive,
and continuously growing, both in the number of identified victims and
complexity. I was never told, or even given the impression that any resolution of
the case was looming; in fact, quite the opposite. The clear implication Villafafia
gave me was that there was a major federal criminal investigation and that my
client and I would be kept apprised at each phase. There was no doubt, and
cannot be any dispute, that I was speaking with Villafafia on behalf of Jane Doe 1,
and I told Villafafia Jane Doe 1 wanted to know what was going on with the
federal case in which she had been cooperating.
Edwards Affidavit of Aug. 11, 2017 at 'J 15.
Moreover, at no point during any of these calls, did the line prosecutor ever inform the
victims' attorney that any resolution was about to happen:
[N]ever during any call up to this point did Villafafia inform me, or even give me
the impression, that the federal investigation was at risk of closing. Nor did she
inform me, or even give me the impression, that a deal of any sort had been
reached at any point in the past or was imminent to be reached in the future. In
fact, Villafafia gave me all indications that were exactly the opposite, while
apologizing for not be able to share more information or answer many of my
questions. During the course of my calls, it was indisputably known to Villafafia
that I was calling on behalf of Jane Doe 1 and in later conversations Jane Doe 2
and another client. While Villafafia states in her affidavit that I did not ever
inform her that Jane Doe 1 or Jane Doe 2 wanted to confer with her before any
resolution was reached, that statement is misleading because while I never used
those words it was clear in our conversations that the only reason we were talking
was for the purpose of conferral and making sure that Jane Doe I stay informed
on the case and be apprised of anything major in the case — especially a
resolution. There was never a time when Villafafia even hinted that the federal
case was potentially resolving, thus there was no reason to tell her specifically
what she already knew from our conversations and from her meeting with Jane
Doe 1 to be true — that Jane Doe I was cooperative and wanted to confer with
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Villafafia before any resolution especially given that Jane Doe 1 had been led to
believe she was going to be testifying in a federal trial.
Id. ati 16.
Later, when the line prosecutor called the victims' attorney about the State guilty pleas
that Epstein was about to enter, the line prosecutor never told the attorney "that there was a NPA
or any resolution to the federal case, that the state plea would somehow resolve the many federal
crimes uncovered and expected to be charged federally. Indeed, the only message she conveyed
directly to me was that the federal investigation was continuing and Jane Doe 1 and other
identified victims would remain informed." Id. at ¶ 18.
Most remarkably, even after Epstein had pled guilty — triggering and finalizing the
NPA's operation — the line prosecutor continued to create the false impression that a federal
prosecution was still a possibility:
After the June 30, 2008 plea, (perhaps on July 3, 2008 as Villafafia recollects) I
contacted Villafafia to discuss how the state case had been resolved and the next
stages of the federal prosecution. I started to get the sense during this call that the
Office was beginning to negotiate with Epstein with respect to the federally
identified crimes. I explained in detail, on behalf of my clients, why I felt it was
essential to the preservation of full justice that any federal plea offer be
sufficiently harsh to fit the extensive sex abuse crimes that the evidence
demonstrated Epstein had committed. She did not tell me, or even give any
indication, that her Office had already signed an NPA with Epstein; nor did she
tell me that the federal investigation was already closed or resolved. In fact, even
at this stage after the state plea, the indication was the opposite, although for the
first time I was made to believe federal plea negotiations had commenced and a
resolution could be reached shortly. I took time to write and send a letter to
Villafafia's attention on July 3, 2008, expressing the same feelings I had already
expressed during our post-state-plea telephone call.
Id. atJ 19.
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Whatever else might be said about the Government's actions,; it clearly is disputed
whether the Government reasonably conferred with the victims by "compai[ing] views or
tak[ing] counsel: consult[ing]." Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary (11th ed. 2006).
Indeed, it is hard to reach any other conclusion but that the Government obviously did not
"confer" with the victims by exchanging views on the NPA, but instead (as it admits) "kept
secret" this pivotal event in the case. See DE 361 at 19, 1 48 (undisputed fact to this effect). The
limited finding that the Court needs to make to deny summary judgment is not that the
Government had to rush out and notify the world about the NPA, but rather that when an
attorney representing the victims asks about how to secure federal prosecution of Epstein, the
Government may not "deliberately keep secret" the existence of an agreement it has negotiated
to prevent such prosecution. Such a finding is fully supported by the undisputed facts agreed to
by the Government, not to mention numerous disputed facts proffered by the victims. See
generally Edwards Affidavit of Aug. II, 2017, at In 11-25.
To the extent that there is any ambiguity in the plain language, the CVRA's legislative
history full confirms this plain language understanding to the right to confer. The CVRA's
Senate sponsors — Senator Kyl and Senator Feinstein — held a colloquy on the Senate floor
explaining the meaning of the Act shortly before the Senate voted on it. See 150 CONG. REC.
S3607 (daily ed. Apr. 22, 2004). They specifically explained that the provision seemed from the
recognition that it "is important that the victim be able to confer with the prosecutor concerning a
variety of matters and proceedings." Id. (statement of Senator Feinstein, agreed with by Senator
3 In their contemporaneously-filed motion for partial summary judgment, the victims explain why the Government's
actions so clearly violated the victims' right to confer that summary judgment in their favor is appropriate.
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Kyl). As to how the right was to be construed, the Senate sponsors explained: "This right is
intended to be expansive. For example, the victim has the right to confer with the Government
concerning any critical stage or disposition of the case." Id. (statement of Senator Feinstein,
agreed with by Senator Kyl) (emphasis added).
Of course, none of this comes as a surprise to this Court. Remarkably, while the
Government claims that it has complied with its conferral obligations, it nowhere discusses this
Court' earlier rulings about what those conferral obligations include. In particular, this Court has
already addressed — and rejected — the Government's position that it had no conferral obligations
in connection with the non-prosecution agreement. As this Court held:
[T]he court concludes that the "reasonable right to confer . . . in the case"
guaranteed by the CVRA at § 3771(a)(5) is properly read to extend to the pre-
charge stage of criminal investigations and proceedings, certainly where — as here
— the relevant prosecuting authority has formally accepted a case for prosecution.
The case law and legislative history of the statute support such an expansive
reading of the statutory mandate.. . 150 Cong. Rec. S2460, 54268 (daily ed. Apr.
22, 2004) (statement of Sen. Feinstein) (explaining that the right to confer was
"intended to expansive," applying to "any critical stage or disposition of the
case") . . . United States Department of Justice, Attorney General Guidelines for
Victim and Witness Assistance 30 (2005) ("Responsible officials should make
reasonable efforts to notify identified victims of, and consider victims' views
about, prospective plea negotiations").
In short, there is no logical reason to treat a "non-prosecution agreement"
which the government employs to dispose of contemplated federal charges any
differently from a "plea agreement" employed to dispose of charged offenses in
interpreting remedies available under the CVRA. Where the statute expressly
contemplates that a "plea" may be set aside if entered in violation of CVRA
conferral rights, it necessarily contemplates that a "non-prosecution" agreement
may be set aside if entered in violation of the government's conferral obligations.
Thus, in their petition and supplemental pleadings, Jane Doe I and 2 have
identified a remedy which is likely to redress the injury complained of — the
setting aside of the no-prosecution agreement as a prelude to the full unfettered
exercise of their conferral rights at a time that will enable the victims to exercise
those rights meaningfidly
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Nor is the court persuaded by the government's "futility" argument,
derived from its stated perception that the United States Attorney's Office for the
Southern District of Florida . . . would be constrained to honor the terms of the
September 24, 2007 agreement even if the court were to set it aside and order the
government to confer with the victims before reaching a final charging decision.
DE 189 at 8-10 (emphasis added). This ruling is now the "law of the case" and, under the law
of the case doctrine, "a court should not reopen issues decided in earlier stages of the same
litigation." Pines Properties, Inc. v. Am. Marine Bank, No. 00-8041-CIV, 2003 WL 25729925,
at *2 (S.D. Fla. June 24, 2003) (citing Agostini v. Felton, 521 U.S. 203, 236 (1997). See also U.S.
v. Excobar—Urrego, 110 F.3d 1556, 1560 (11th Cir.1997) (finding that under this doctrine, an
issue is binding throughout a case when it has been decided earlier in that same case).
B. Congress' 2015 Amendment of the CVRA Does Not Retroactively Validate
the Government's Concealment of the NPA.
In an effort to deflect responsibility for its deliberate concealment of the non-prosecution
agreement, the Government points to a statute that Congress enacted in 2015 in response to the
Government's CVRA violations in this very case. In 2015, Congress amended the CVRA to a
new subsection, 18 U.S.C. § 3771(a)(9), which provides that victims have "[t]he right to be
informed in a timely manner of any plea bargain or deferred prosecution agreement." Section
113(a), Pub. L. No. 114-22, 129 Stat. 227 (May 29, 2015). According to the Government, this
statute operates retroactively to prove that it did not need to inform the victims of Epstein's non-
prosecution agreement. To support its argument, the Government relies on the presumption "that
Congress intends to change the law when it enacts amendments." DE 401-2 at 8 (citing Bailey v.
United States 52 Fed. Cl. 105, 110 (2002)). According to the Government, the fact that Congress
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specifically added a right for victims to be informed about NPAs in 2015 means that no such
right existed in 2008.
It takes quite a bit of chutzpah for the Government to point to legislation specifically
designed to overrule some its legal arguments in this case as a basis for prevailing in this case.
And, in any event, the Government's argument is without merit.
In an attempt to make its argument seem plausible, the Government (once again) erects a
strawman. The Government starts its argument by asserting that it "disagrees with [the victims']
implicit assertion that a victim's statutory `right to confer' is a right to be notified.' DE 401-2
at 4. But while the CVRA may indeed create a right to be notified about important developments
in a case, here the Court need only rule on a much more limited and fact-specific argument: that
in the context of this case, the Government's actions in concealing the NPA from the victims
violated the victims' right to confer.
The Government does not fully explain the background leading up to this 2015
amendment. Congress has long had an eye on the Government's extraordinary limiting
interpretations of its CVRA obligations in this and other cases. For example, CVRA co-sponsor
Senator Kyl wrote two letters in 2011 to Attorney General Holder, specifically raising questions
about the Department's refusals to follow the CVRA by conferring with victims on agreements
reached with defendants before the filing of criminal charges. Senator Kyl's letter to the
Attorney General explained that "Congress intended the CVRA to broadly protect crime victims
throughout the criminal justice process - from the investigative phases to the final conclusion of
a case." 157 CoNG. REC. S7060-01 (daily ed. Nov. 2, 2011). Senator Kyl then reviewed court
decisions rejecting the Government's position that the CVRA applied only after the formal filing
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of federal criminal charges, including this Court's ruling that the CVRA protects victims before
filing of charges:
The most recent court decision to carefully review the Justice Department's
position is Jane Does #1 and #2 v. United States, No. 08-80736-CIV-
MARRA/JOHNSON (S.D. Fla. Sept. 26, 2011). In that case, the court flatly
rejected the Department's claim that rights attach only after charges are formally
filed:
The Court first addresses the threshold issue whether the CVRA
attaches before the government brings formal charges against the
defendant. The Court holds that it does because the statutory language
clearly contemplates pre-charge proceedings. For instance,
subsections (a)(2) and (a)(3) provide rights that attach to "any public
court proceeding
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