podesta-emails
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Stu -- will discuss this with her. I acknowledge the risk you point out,
but I also worry about her being seen trying to have it both ways.
On Thu, Jul 2, 2015 at 9:29 AM, Eizenstat, Stuart <[email protected]>
wrote:
> Dear Jake,
>
>
>
> Please see my edits below. Of course, we must see the final agreement. But
> I am very concerned that a complete embrace of this deal, without any
> expression of reservations, will leave her open to serious attack not just
> from Republicans, but from many Democrats, and from many of the key
> signatories of the Washington Institute letter, including Howard Berman,
> Dennis Ross, and people whose opinions on nuclear issues one needs to
> respect, like Robert Einhorn, and other non-proliferation experts like
> David Albright. She can certainly make clear her opposition to Congress
> overturning the deal, which would weaken the President greatly.
>
>
>
> Best wishes,
>
>
>
> Stu
>
>
>
> *From:* Jake Sullivan [mailto:[email protected]]
> *Sent:* Wednesday, July 01, 2015 8:09 PM
> *To:* Eizenstat, Stuart
> *Subject:* here is the latest
>
>
>
> I took some of your concepts but left out the specifics.
>
>
>
> The deal between six world powers and Iran offers the best path forward to
> prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon, despite its deficiencies.
> With vigorous enforcement, unyielding verification, and swift consequences
> for any violations, this deal will make the United States, Israel, and the
> region safer and more secure. I applaud President Obama and Secretary
> Kerry for this important accomplishment.
>
>
>
> [ I would have preferred an agreement that provided access to all of
> Iran’s nuclear sites, including its military facilities; that allowed the
> IAEA inspectors the opportunity to interview all people they believe
> necessary to establish Iran’s past and ongoing Possible Military
> Dimensions; and that sequenced sanctions relief to documented performance
> of Iran’s obligations. However, this agreement is better than no deal at
> all, which would leave Iran the unfettered opportunity to a full-scale
> march to a nuclear weapon, without any of the constraints of this agreement
> in place.]
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> As President, I would use every tool in our arsenal to compel rigorous
> Iranian compliance. Neither Iran nor any other country would have a veto
> over our enforcement. And I would never permit Iran to interpret this deal
> to allow it to evade its obligations to the IAEA or to place any suspicious
> site off limits to inspectors. The response to any violation must be
> immediate and overwhelming -- starting with the return of sanctions but
> taking no options off the table, including, if necessary, the use of
> force.
>
>
>
> The message to Iran should be loud and clear: We will never allow you to
> acquire a nuclear weapon; not just during the term of this agreement –
> never.
>
>
>
> Today’s agreement is the culmination of an effective strategy of pressure
> and engagement executed over many years. By the end of the Bush
> administration, Iran was rapidly expanding its nuclear centrifuge capacity
> despite unilateral American sanctions. The Obama administration took a
> different approach, working with Congress and our allies and partners
> around the world. As Secretary of State, I logged tens of thousands of
> miles and twisted a lot of arms to build a global coalition to impose the
> most crippling sanctions in history. That unprecedented pressure shattered
> Iran’s economy and forced its representatives to the table – starting in
> Oman in 2012 -- to negotiate a deal that can put a nuclear weapon out of
> reach.
>
>
>
> Going forward, we have to be clear-eyed when it comes to the broader
> threat Iran represents. Even with an agreement that cuts off its nuclear
> ambitions, Iran still poses a direct challenge to the United States and our
> allies, especially Israel. It continues to destabilize countries from Yemen
> to Lebanon, while exacerbating conflict in Syria. It is developing missiles
> that can strike every country in the Middle East. And it fuels terrorism
> throughout the region and beyond, including through direct support to Hamas
> and Hizballah. We have to oppose and raise the costs for Iran’s
> destabilizing activities, insist on the return of U.S. citizens being held
> in Iranian prisons, and strengthen security cooperation with our allies and
> partners. Sanctions for terrorism, and other non-nuclear sanctions, should
> remain in place.
>
>
>
> Israel has to be confident that the United States will always defend its
> security and ensure its Qualitative Military Edge in the region. I would
> invite the senior Israeli leadership to Washington for early talks on
> further strengthening our alliance. We should also deepen our security
> relationship with Arab partners who are threatened by Iran’s ambitions.
>
>
>
> I support this deal because it blocks Iran’s pathways to a nuclear weapon
> and gives us tools to catch Iran if it tries to cheat. Ultimately, the
> alternatives were worse for America. Imposing new, unilateral sanctions,
> or engaging in military force at this juncture, would risk fracturing the
> world consensus we have painstakingly built, undermining our maximum
> leverage at a time when Iran is at its most vulnerable.
>
>
>
> So we should proceed with wisdom and strength in implementing a deal born
> out of strong American leadership.
>
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