podesta-emails

Re: here is the latest

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-- will discuss this with her. I acknowledge the risk you point out, but I also worry about her being seen trying to have it both ways. On Thu, Jul 2, 2015 at 9:29 AM, Eizenstat, Stuart <[email protected]> wrote: > Dear Jake, > > > > Please see my edits below. Of course, we must see the final agreement. But > I am very concerned that a complete embrace of this deal, without any > expression of reservations, will leave her open to serious attack not just > from Republicans, but from many Democrats, and from many of the key > signatories of the Washington Institute letter, including Howard Berman, > Dennis Ross, and people whose opinions on nuclear issues one needs to > respect, like Robert Einhorn, and other non-proliferation experts like > David Albright. She can certainly make clear her opposition to Congress > overturning the deal, which would weaken the President greatly. > > > > Best wishes, > > > > Stu > > > > *From:* Jake Sullivan [mailto:[email protected]] > *Sent:* Wednesday, July 01, 2015 8:09 PM > *To:* Eizenstat, Stuart > *Subject:* here is the latest > > > > I took some of your concepts but left out the specifics. > > > > The deal between six world powers and Iran offers the best path forward to > prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon, despite its deficiencies. > With vigorous enforcement, unyielding verification, and swift consequences > for any violations, this deal will make the United States, Israel, and the > region safer and more secure. I applaud President Obama and Secretary > Kerry for this important accomplishment. > > > > [ I would have preferred an agreement that provided access to all of > Iran’s nuclear sites, including its military facilities; that allowed the > IAEA inspectors the opportunity to interview all people they believe > necessary to establish Iran’s past and ongoing Possible Military > Dimensions; and that sequenced sanctions relief to documented performance > of Iran’s obligations. However, this agreement is better than no deal at > all, which would leave Iran the unfettered opportunity to a full-scale > march to a nuclear weapon, without any of the constraints of this agreement > in place.] > > > > > > > > As President, I would use every tool in our arsenal to compel rigorous > Iranian compliance. Neither Iran nor any other country would have a veto > over our enforcement. And I would never permit Iran to interpret this deal > to allow it to evade its obligations to the IAEA or to place any suspicious > site off limits to inspectors. The response to any violation must be > immediate and overwhelming -- starting with the return of sanctions but > taking no options off the table, including, if necessary, the use of > force. > > > > The message to Iran should be loud and clear: We will never allow you to > acquire a nuclear weapon; not just during the term of this agreement – > never. > > > > Today’s agreement is the culmination of an effective strategy of pressure > and engagement executed over many years. By the end of the Bush > administration, Iran was rapidly expanding its nuclear centrifuge capacity > despite unilateral American sanctions. The Obama administration took a > different approach, working with Congress and our allies and partners > around the world. As Secretary of State, I logged tens of thousands of > miles and twisted a lot of arms to build a global coalition to impose the > most crippling sanctions in history. That unprecedented pressure shattered > Iran’s economy and forced its representatives to the table – starting in > Oman in 2012 -- to negotiate a deal that can put a nuclear weapon out of > reach. > > > > Going forward, we have to be clear-eyed when it comes to the broader > threat Iran represents. Even with an agreement that cuts off its nuclear > ambitions, Iran still poses a direct challenge to the United States and our > allies, especially Israel. It continues to destabilize countries from Yemen > to Lebanon, while exacerbating conflict in Syria. It is developing missiles > that can strike every country in the Middle East. And it fuels terrorism > throughout the region and beyond, including through direct support to Hamas > and Hizballah. We have to oppose and raise the costs for Iran’s > destabilizing activities, insist on the return of U.S. citizens being held > in Iranian prisons, and strengthen security cooperation with our allies and > partners. Sanctions for terrorism, and other non-nuclear sanctions, should > remain in place. > > > > Israel has to be confident that the United States will always defend its > security and ensure its Qualitative Military Edge in the region. I would > invite the senior Israeli leadership to Washington for early talks on > further strengthening our alliance. We should also deepen our security > relationship with Arab partners who are threatened by Iran’s ambitions. > > > > I support this deal because it blocks Iran’s pathways to a nuclear weapon > and gives us tools to catch Iran if it tries to cheat. Ultimately, the > alternatives were worse for America. Imposing new, unilateral sanctions, > or engaging in military force at this juncture, would risk fracturing the > world consensus we have painstakingly built, undermining our maximum > leverage at a time when Iran is at its most vulnerable. > > > > So we should proceed with wisdom and strength in implementing a deal born > out of strong American leadership. >
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