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Four Lessons for Democrats in Yesterday’s Elections
Our ability to discern trends in off-year elections is always limited by
the influence of local factors – especially when strong personalities are
involved. But there are four lessons that emerged from yesterday’s results
that are extremely important for Democrats as we prepare for next year’s
Mid-terms.
1). First and foremost, the results show that it is critical that the
Democratic message be framed in populist terms.
Not surprisingly voters are unhappy. Ten percent unemployment, rising
health care bills and shrinking incomes will do that. All of these problems
resulted from the Republican policies of the previous eight years and the
conservative values frame of the last thirty years. They have been caused by
the concentration of power in Wall Street, the big health insurance companies
and the dominant role of corporate special interests in Washington.
But if Democrats do not clearly frame the debate in those terms, it is
easy for voters to vote against whoever is in power at the moment -- which now
happen to be Democrats.
The most distinctive trend in last night’s results was that in all of the
nationally significant races, the incumbent – or incumbent party – lost
(or in the case of New York City, did much more poorly than expected).
Corzine had trailed Christie by 10 percent through much of the summer.
Massive TV spending, appearances by the President and last minute
get-out-the-vote efforts helped close the gap. But that wasn’t enough to re-elect
the former Chairman of Goldman Sachs in a state with little patience like New
Jersey.
In Virginia, the lackluster campaign of Creigh Deeds never had a chance
and found it singularly difficult to inspire voters.
New York’s 23rd District had not elected a Democrat since the Civil War,
but Democrat Bill Owens made history by winning the seat against a divided
Republican field.
In New York City, Michael Bloomberg was supposed to cruise to
re-election. He out spent his Democratic opponent by millions and still just squeaked
out a win.
It was a bad day to be an incumbent – or incumbent party.
To avoid the same fate next fall, Democrats need to frame the national
debate in distinctly populist terms. We need to continually name the forces
and institutions that have caused such economic pain, and present ourselves
as the agents of change who will return economic power to average Americans.
If we do not, we will be blamed.
Political messages loaded with references to our “experience” in
Government or that attempt to sound “middle of the road” when it comes to Wall
Street or insurance companies will be heard by the voters as apologies for a
status quo that they don’t like and want to change.
John Corzine is a very progressive guy. But his ties to Wall Street were
far from a plus in yesterday’s balloting.
2). Independent voters will demand that Democrats deliver on our promise
of change. Yesterday many of the independent voters that supported Obama
last year in Virginia and New Jersey voted Republican. This trend may be
slightly overstated since many Republican leaning voters who used to
self-identify as Republican in exit polls are now self-identifying as
Independents. But there is little question that independent voters are very impatient.
In 2008 Barack Obama sold them on change and hope. To continue to invest
their hope with Democrats, swing voters are going to have to see evidence
that change is happening.
It won’t work to make excuses – even if some of them are legitimate. The
truth is that the same economic forces that caused our problems are doing
everything they can to prevent change. By next fall we don’t have to win
everything. We don’t need to bring unemployment to 2% or have completely
wrestled the health insurance companies to the mat. But independent voters
are going to have to see some evidence that we have begun to make serious
change.
That means we’re going to have to win the battles for health care reform,
change the financial regulatory system, begin creating clean energy jobs and
pass immigration reform. Most importantly, it means that Democrats have to
demonstrate that they are creating jobs. To accomplish that task, a great
deal more economic stimulus is a must.
3). Democrats must inspire the base. In Virginia and New Jersey, the
Republicans turned out more strongly than expected and many, many Obama
Democrats stayed home. There were some good Democratic and base mobilization
get-out-the-vote programs in both states. Mechanics weren’t the main problem.
The problem was inspiration.
Inspiration was Barack Obama’s not-so-secret weapon in 2008. Inspiration
helped him persuade independent voters who wanted change, and mobilize base
voters who wanted hope. Without an inspired base, Democrats cannot hold our
own in 2010 – it’s that simple.
Success at making change will help renew the faith of Independents and
also help energize the base. But to be inspired, the base of the Democratic
Party must be convinced that the President and his party are the champions
of core progressive principles as well. A hopeful populist frame is critical
to motivate mobilizable voters.
Key symbols will be very important. That’s why it is so important for
2010, not only that a health insurance reform bill passes, but that it includes
a public option. That’s why it is so important-- to mobilize Latino
voters-- that Congress pass comprehensive immigration reform.
4). Our not-so-secret weapon in 2010 is the Republican circular firing
squad. Thank God for Sarah Palin – and the entire “purge the party of all
but true believers” crowd. The story of New York 23 read like a fable. The
Club for Growth, Sarah Palin, Glen Beck, Rush Limbaugh and their whole
gang turn on the not-conservative-enough Republican nominee – driving her to
endorse the Democrat – and lost control of a seat Democrats have not won in
a hundred and fifty nine years.
I would say that Democrats should nurture and encourage this
self-destructive right wing tendency, but they seem to do a fine job all by themselves.
Luckily, the commercial interests of Limbaugh, Beck et al are entirely
congruent with the ambitions of fringe candidates like Sarah Palin and the
right winger who lost in New York 23, Doug Hoffman.
Notwithstanding Republican victories in the New Jersey and Virginia
governor’s races, let’s not forget that a lower percentage of Americans now
self-identify as Republicans than at any other time in a quarter-century. The
right wingers in the Republican Party are mainly talking to each other –
not to the country.
But as last night’s returns demonstrated, that even with that enormous
handicap, Republicans can still win elections if we allow the legitimate anger
and impatience of the voters to focus on “incumbents” instead of the
economic actors that have created such a deep well of desire for real change in
America.
Robert Creamer is a long-time political organizer and strategist, and
author of the recent book: “Stand Up Straight: How Progressives Can Win,”
available on _amazon.com_
(http://www.amazon.com/Listen-Your-Mother-Straight-Progressives/dp/0979585295/ref=pd_bbs_sr_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1206567141&sr=8-1
) .
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