podesta-emails
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Lessons from the Massachusetts Defeat
The Massachusetts Senate race is a watershed event that has enormous
implications for this political year. The media is intent on making it a
referendum on President Obama and his health care reform plan. But that
interpretation of the results is just flat wrong.
President Obama maintains a fairly robust 55% approval rate in
Massachusetts. And while it is true that the polling indicates that the “Obama Health
Reform Plan” as a general concept is not very popular there, the individual
components of reform continue to have substantial levels of public support
– both in Massachusetts and around the country.
The fact is that if you see enough TV spots saying that the “Obama health
care plan” will cost jobs, take away your freedom, and cut your Medicare
(all factually wrong) – you start to believe it. Because of the massive
length of the health care battle, the pro-health care reform forces, have
simply been outgunned on TV by the big insurance companies and the Chamber of
Commerce (mainly funded by the big insurance companies) that have pockets of
infinite depth.
On the other hand, if you ask people if they want to end the ability of
insurance companies to use preexisting conditions to deny care; make health
insurance available at affordable prices to everyone; require insurance
companies to spend the bulk of their premiums on health care instead of profits
and CEO salaries; or give people the alternative of a public option – you
get very strong support.
Add to that the fact that 98% of people in Massachusetts have health
insurance because of their own state based health care reform -- and almost 80%
are happy with their health insurance -- and it’s clear that the race there
was not at all a referendum on health care reform.
There are however major critical lessons for Democrats in the
Massachusetts defeat:
Lesson #1.The big take away: don’t run a bad campaign. The Coakley
campaign made four critical errors any one of which, by itself, probably cost
her the election.
First, they did not follow the first law of the Obama campaign to “leave
no stone unturned”. Coakley went on vacation in the Caribbean after her
primary victory. She didn’t campaign and she didn’t raise money. When the
campaign’s pollsters – the respected firm of Lake Research – proposed doing
a tracking poll after the primary, they were told there was no money. As a
result, the campaign was caught flat footed as Brown began to surge.
The reason you leave no stone unturned in a campaign, it to account for
the unexpected. Yes, Coakley was 20 points up on Brown after the primary,
but if the campaign was not asleep at the switch it would have discovered
the Brown surge while it could still be stopped.
Second, the campaign allowed Brown to define himself – and Coakley -- for
swing voters. When Brown began a wave of advertising between Christmas and
New Years, it went unanswered. The moment Brown began to surge, the
campaign should have hit back and defined him as a shill for the Big Banks and
insurance companies – not the attractive, charismatic outsider he appeared to
be to many voters.
Third, the campaign allowed their candidate to be perceived as the elite
insider – and ceded to Brown the role of crusading outsider. Democrats win
when they appear to be what they ought to be – populist agents of change –
not competent insider technocrats. That is particularly true when people
are angry at the status quo.
Forth, unbelievably, the campaign had no field program. It was left to
the heroic efforts of Organize for America (OFA) to try to save the day by
improvising a field program in the last week and a half. More than anything
else, Coakley lost because of a wave of Republican turnout. Until OFA
arrived there was no apparatus in place to increase Democratic turnout. That
borders on political malpractice. OFA did everything it could. Over the last
weekend OFA made over 1.2 million turn out calls to potential Democratic
voters. But great field programs – particularly door to door programs that
are the most effective means of boosting turnout -- must be organized with
several months of lead time – not a week and a half.
OFA proved once again how invaluable it is to the Democratic Party. Were
it not for their efforts – and the Obama trip to Massachusetts – Coakley
could have been routed in a blowout that would have shaken Democratic
confidence to its foundation.
Even with all of these problems, Coakley might have still pulled it out
had Brown himself not been an exciting, engaging, energetic candidate with an
interesting history who ran a flawless campaign. In the end, elections
are about the candidate and their campaigns. People vote for people; and to
the voters the quality of their campaigns is a powerful symbol of the
qualities of the candidate.
Lesson #2: There is a great deal of anger in America that is focused first
and foremost on people’s own economic prospects and frustration that
change appears so difficult. Democrats have to do everything in our power to
deliver jobs. And we must focus that anger at the people who caused the
economic meltdown and are delaying fundamental change: the insurance
companies, the Big Wall Street banks, the energy companies.
The fact of the matter is that when people are angry, if you don’t focus
that anger on the people who really caused their problems – they will focus
it on the people in charge – in this case Democrats – even if they were
not mainly to blame.
It was the financial sector – Wall Street speculators, the Big Banks, the
insurance companies – that caused the worst economic disaster since the
Great Depression. And the Republicans – and their “markets uber alles”
philosophy made it all possible.
Democrats must have a clear, populist frame to win elections in 2010. In
Massachusetts the campaign began to talk about the President’s proposal to
tax Wall Street in the final hours, but it was too late. Coakley had allowed
herself to be framed as an insider, technocrat versus a crusading populist
outsider – even though Brown will in fact go to Washington and vote down
the line for the big insurance companies and Wall Street Banks.
To appeal to independent voters we do not have to be “more moderate” or “
measured” as some have argued. We must be bolder and more populist.
And the problem is not – as one commentator argued last night – a
frustration with the “fiscal overreach” of the Democrats. The problem is that we
have not produced enough jobs. Democrats must pass a large jobs program
now, and the deficit can’t stand in the way. And let’s remember, it was
George Bush who turned a Clinton surplus into more debt that all other
previous President’s combined.
Lesson #3: We have to keep our base inspired and mobilized -- to make
change and to win elections. The Massachusetts special election taught the same
lesson as the Democrats’ catastrophic loss in 1994 – we have to inspire
our voters to go to the polls. Democrats lost control of Congress in 1994
because our voters stayed home.
In Massachusetts the right wing base was infused with excitement over the
possibility of taking progressive icon Ted Kennedy’s Senate seat – and
hobbling Obama’s agenda in the Senate. The Democratic base was not inspired by
the relatively bland Coakley and has been generally dispirited by the
difficulty of passing health care, Lieberman’s sabotage of the public option –
and the general recognition that Barack Obama can not simply wave a wand
and make change.
The insurance companies, Wall Street banks and energy companies haven’t
just rolled over and played dead. They have put up tough – tooth and nail
battles – to defend the status quo.
Though I don’t believe that the shape of the health care bill would have
likely been a great deal different, there is no question that President
Obama would be in better political shape with the base of the Democratic Party
if he had been a more forceful advocate of the public option – and appeared
more forceful in taking on Wall Street.
On the other hand, Progressive leaders across America need to direct their
own frustration at the forces that are defending the status quo and
standing in the way of the Obama agenda. They need to take personal
responsibility for rallying the base against our true enemies – Wall Street, the
insurance industry, the energy companies and the Republicans -- not encouraging
cynicism and disaffection of base voters. That sense of frustration lead
directly to a victory for Brown and now we are stuck with one more huge
impediment to change in the U.S. Senate.
Lesson #4: Democrats must do whatever is necessary to pass a good health
care reform now. The President, House Speaker and Senate Majority Leader
have all pledged to do just that. The absolute worst response to the
Republican victory in Massachusetts would be to cut and run. We have to muster our
forces and do whatever is necessary to get it done.
Bad enough that the late Senator Edward Kennedy’s seat is now in the hands
of a Republican that does not share his progressive values. We must do
whatever is necessary to assure that the fulfillment of his life long dream
of health care for all is not thwarted as well.
That will probably require that some portion of the bill be passed through
the budget reconciliation process that requires only 51 votes, now that
the Senate no longer has 60 members who caucus with the Democrats. If so, so
be it.
The idea that a minority of 41 members of the Senate can thwart the will
of the majority is fundamentally undemocratic in the first place.
In fact, the Senate needs to change its rules to eliminate the abusive use
of filibusters that now effectively require 60 votes to pass any
significant piece of legislation.
The Massachusetts loss was a set back for the Progressive agenda. But it
is in times of adversity that voters get to test the mettle of leaders and
political parties. Time to square our shoulders, stand up straight, and
show America that we can really make fundamental change.
Robert Creamer is a long-time political organizer and strategist, and
author of the recent book: “Stand Up Straight: How Progressives Can Win,”
available on _Amazon.com._
(http://www.amazon.com/Listen-Your-Mother-Straight-Progressives/dp/0979585295/ref=pd_bbs_sr_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1213241439&sr=8-
1)
.
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