podesta-emails
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Fyi
John Stocks
Deputy Executive Director
National Education Association
202-822-7523
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-----Original Message-----
From: Michael J. Tate [mailto:[email protected]]
Sent: Sunday, May 11, 2008 08:45 AM Eastern Standard Time
To: Stocks, John [NEA]
Subject: From Todays JS
Wisconsin is a top target for McCain
Some see it as senator's best chance to pick off a blue state
By CRAIG GILBERT
[email protected]
Posted: May 10, 2008
Washington - If you ranked all of the TV markets in "blue-state" America according to how much advertising they saw from the 2004 Bush campaign and its allies, the list would begin like this:
Milwaukee.
Green Bay.
Wausau.
Pittsburgh, Pa.
Scranton-Wilkes Barre, Pa.
Madison.
La Crosse-Eau Claire.
That pretty much says it all about Wisconsin's place on the electoral map.
Few blue states are fatter targets for Republicans.
That was true for George W. Bush, who lost the state twice by an average of three-tenths of a percentage point. And it will be true again for John McCain, now busy crafting his battleground plans.
"Wisconsin will be a top target," says McCain's director of strategy, Sarah Simmons, who worked for the Wisconsin GOP during the 2000 campaign. "There is a path to victory there."
Of the 19 states won by the Democrats in 2004, Wisconsin is on a short list of best pick-up opportunities for the GOP. That assessment is based on recent history, current polling data and how insiders in both parties see the map.
In a Wisconsin poll released last week by Rasmussen Reports, McCain edged out both Democrats, Barack Obama and Hillary Rodham Clinton, leading each one 47% to 43%. In other state polls recently, McCain has led Clinton but trailed Obama.
The margins aren't statistically significant, and the numbers will bounce around all year. But the polls underscore what many experts believe is a more reliable predictor of competitiveness, the state's recent history of extreme parity.
"It is perhaps the best opportunity for McCain to pick up a state that was blue in 2004. It was so close, and McCain is the kind of Republican who might appeal in a state like Wisconsin," said Peter Brown of the Quinnipiac University Polling Institute, which will be polling in Wisconsin this summer and fall in a joint project with The Wall Street Journal and The Washington Post.
Both Brown and pollster Scott Rasmussen, who took the survey cited above, point to the state's large pool of ticket-splitting independents as a potential McCain constituency.
That doesn't mean Wisconsin will end up being the closest state in 2008, as it was in 2004. It doesn't mean McCain will win Wisconsin, or even come as agonizingly close as Bush did.
But it does mean that Wisconsin voters will be among the most courted in the nation by every measure of what a modern campaign does, from TV ads to news media to photo-ops at the local cheese factory or shooting range.
The reasons are simple enough.
Wisconsin is the only state decided by less than half a percentage point in each of the past two elections. It's bigger than most other states that are as fiercely competitive (Iowa, New Hampshire, New Mexico). And it has been more competitive than battleground states that are bigger (Florida, Pennsylvania, Michigan).
"At the end of the day, if you're John McCain and you think it's worth your while to target a blue state, Wisconsin is way up at the top of the list," says Democratic pollster Mark Mellman, who worked for John Kerry in 2004 and has surveyed extensively in Wisconsin for Gov. Jim Doyle.
Mellman doesn't believe the list of winnable blue states for McCain is a very long one. He thinks Wisconsin is a more plausible GOP target than most other states the Democrats carried last time.
"New Hampshire would be (on the list) too, but Wisconsin's got a lot more electoral votes. Yes, you'd be looking at Michigan, yes, you'd be looking at Pennsylvania, but you'd have to be looking at your prospects in Wisconsin even more positively than those other two states," Mellman said.
Bush 2004 strategist Matt Dowd also sees Wisconsin as more competitive for McCain than the bigger blue prizes of Michigan and Pennsylvania.
"I think he's got the potential to get Wisconsin, the potential to get New Hampshire back, maybe Maine . . . maybe something like Oregon," Dowd said.
Some add Minnesota to the short list; Republicans put the upper Midwest in their crosshairs when they chose the Twin Cities to host their summer convention.
State can offset losses
The party's payoff for picking off a blue state the size of Wisconsin is immense. Bush had a 34-vote Electoral College edge in 2004 general election. For McCain, that means winning Wisconsin (10 electoral votes) would help offset the combined losses of red states Ohio (20 votes) and New Mexico (5 votes). If all three states flip and nothing else changes, Republicans would have 271 electoral votes. Democrats would have 267. (270 electoral votes are needed to win the presidency.)
That suggests how indispensable Wisconsin is to a Democratic victory in a close election. And it explains much of the Bush campaign's preoccupation with the state in 2004 - its five bus trips, the fact that Wisconsin was one of four states (along with Florida, Pennsylvania and Ohio) that accounted for more than half of the ad airings in the final full month of the campaign, according to data gathered by the Wisconsin Advertising Project.
"The McCain campaign is going to have to look at where it can pick up electoral votes, given expected losses" in some red states, says GOP Rep. Jim Sensenbrenner, citing two states that flipped from blue to red in '04 - Iowa and New Mexico (a combined 12 electoral votes) - and could easily flip back again.
"The easiest 10 (electoral votes) for the picking will be in Wisconsin," he contends.
A different approach
With the Democrats still competing, McCain is using the time to organize his general election campaign. In states such as Wisconsin, there is no campaign structure in place yet.
But the McCain campaign recently set up a joint account with the national and state parties to channel money into turn-out efforts in Wisconsin and three other small to midsize battlegrounds: Minnesota, Colorado and New Mexico. The states were chosen because they are top '08 targets that don't generate much fund raising on their own and are logical places to steer party money raised elsewhere.
McCain starts the general election campaign with a list of 24 targeted states, but that number will shrink as the campaign unfolds.
He will target most of the same states as Bush did in '04, but his approach to those states will be different in key ways. While the Bush campaign was thoroughly top-down in its planning and decision-making, McCain aides say they will run a more decentralized campaign and that regional political directors, working with local supporters, will exercise more autonomy.
Organizationally, Wisconsin is part of a three-state Great Lakes cluster that includes another blue-state battleground, Michigan, and a safe red state, Indiana. The director for those states just joined the campaign in the past two weeks.
Strategically, the McCain campaign also will follow a different swing-state recipe than Bush. The signature of the 2004 Bush campaign was its extraordinary focus on the party base - on maximizing turnout of conservative and Republican voters. It believed that politics was so polarized there were fewer undecided voters to go after.
McCain's approach will be different.
With their candidate enjoying a reputation for crossing party lines and running in a poor climate for Republicans, "we will be gearing a lot of our presentations to independent voters and conservative Democrats," says Charlie Black, senior adviser to McCain. "If we could get 20% of blue-collar Democrats, we win," he says.
McCain aides say they will have to play hard outside the GOP voting belt that stretches from the Milwaukee suburbs north through the Fox Valley and make inroads in western and northern Wisconsin.
"I think John McCain has a special appeal (in the state) with his history of reaching across the aisle," says McCain aide Simmons, who notes that one of the best-known cases is his collaboration with Senate Democrat Russ Feingold of Wisconsin on the McCain-Feingold campaign law of 2002.
Wisconsin Democrats, who have seen their party carry the state five elections in a row, are of different minds about the McCain threat. Many believe an Obama nomination, now likely, would make it harder for McCain to win the state because Obama has run stronger than Clinton in most state polls and trounced her in the February primary.
Doyle, a big Obama backer, is skeptical that his party's Wisconsin winning streak would end in such a poor political climate for the GOP.
"It's pretty hard to believe this is the one year . . . Wisconsin would vote for a Republican," Doyle said in an interview.
But Feingold, McCain's Senate colleague, has repeatedly warned that beating McCain in the state will be a serious challenge.
While Doyle doubts that McCain will be able to separate himself from his president and his party, Feingold isn't so sure.
In an interview earlier this year, he said McCain is "a candidate who seems to be extremely conservative (but) will be very hard to characterize," and added that, in Wisconsin, "it's going to be tougher than winning it against Bush, and Bush barely lost it twice."
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