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21 Health Matrix 189, *
associated. Professor Bainbridge considers this power of the "reputational" community to
be an important reason why corporate law requires firms to be managed by a "board" and
not by the fiat of a single individual. n86 Bainbridge wants this power to be deployed in
advance of shareholder primacy, but it can also help enable a loyal, capable multi-
"9
stakeholder corporate governance regime.
Another important member of the corporate reputational community is the Delaware
Court of Chancery. A number of scholars have emphasized the role that the Chancery
Court plays in exposing, condemning, and shaming directorial misconduct, even where the
court restrains itself from imposing actual liability or damages for the mis p2151 conduct it
identifies. nm) The world of corporate directors is a fairly small one. In it, reputation and
honor often matter more than pecuniary rewards, which most directors of large publicly
traded corporations already have before joining the world of corporate directorships. In this
culture what Delaware judges say matters as much or more than what judges do. Formally
expanding the fiduciary relationship to multiple stakeholders would provide judges the
occasion to celebrate or condemn corporate conduct as it relates to workers, consumers
and other stakeholders, even where the Chancery Court is reluctant to formally find
directors liable for damages in connection with unworthy conduct.
The canonical account of corporate law is already committed to the view that
reputational dynamics can serve an important part in bonding corporate directors to their
principals. In fact, in the canonical account the competence of board members to police
each other and keep each other true (enough) to the corporate mission serves as a crucial
justification for corporate law's embrace of near total directorial discretion over the
corporation's affairs, even to the extent that it allows directors to stymie the market for
corporate control with structural defenses (e.g., "poison pills," etc.) that essentially allow
the board to "just say no" to hostile takeovers. n" The acid bath of the market is kept lidded,
while corporate law puts its faith in the fidelity of the board. This faith and this power,
driven by speech acts operating under fiduciary discourse norms, can be put to use in
service of a broader set of directorial commitments.
Of course, people's ability to fulfill commitments degenerates when multiple
commitments present conflicts. Lisa Fairfax argues that corporations actively concerned
with multiple stakeholders may need to resolve this problem by limiting the number of
groups to which they make commitments, or else to be clear about their hierarchy of
commitments. nu Yet to respond to this conundrum as Fairfax suggests p2161 would
leave us again with shareholder primacy in firm governance, an approach which leaves
non-shareholding stakeholders vulnerable to corporate overreaching.
The inevitable conflict involved in multiple commitments has been one of the main
arguments that advocates of shareholder primacy have used to reject the plausibility of
multi-stakeholder corporate governance. This is sometimes referred to as the "two
masters" problem: "A manager told to serve two masters (a little for the equity holders, a
little for the community) has been freed from both and is answerable to neither." nn But the
"two masters" argument proves too much. Under the prevailing shareholder-primacy model
of corporate governance, directors are already charged with managing conflicts between
many different masters. For example, shareholders with a large portion of their wealth
invested in one firm would prefer the firm to adopt a risk-averse business strategy, but
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