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From: Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacationggmail.com>
To:IM
Subject: Fwd: January 23 update
Date: Thu, 23 Jan 2014 18:25:19 +0000
Forwarded message
From: Office of Terje Rod-Larsen < IIMI>
Date: Thursday, January 23, 2014
Subject: January 23 update
To:
23 January, 2014
Article 1. The Washington Post
On Syria, Obama administration is leading to failure
Editorial
Article 2. Los Angeles Times
Fate of Bashar Assad is key in Syria talks
Patrick J. McDonnell
Article 3. Foreign Policy
Supporting America's Greatest Ally in Need: Jordan
Kori Schake
Article 4. The Huffington Post
America Is Not in Decline, Its Foreign Policy Is... But It
Can (Still) Surprise the World
Andras Simonyiand Erik Brattberg
Article 5. The Washington Post
An emerging market problem
David Ignatius
Article 6. The American Interest
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Obama's Middle East Recessional Part 1: What Instability
Really Looks Like
Adam Garfinkle
The Washington Post
On Syria, Obama administration is leading
to failure
Editorial
January 22, 2014 -- THE OUTSIDE world seems to have grown numb to
reports of atrocities from Syria — "barrel bombs" dropped on schools,
Scud missiles aimed at apartment houses, blockaded neighborhoods where
children die of starvation. But a er port released Monday by a panel of
international jurists ought to prick some consciences. Based on 55,000
images smuggled out of the country, mostly by a defector from the military
police, it reports the murder of some 11,000 men detained by the Syrian
government between 2011 and last August. Many of the bodies in the
photographs show signs of torture; some are missing eyes. More than 40
percent of the bodies show signs of emaciation, indicating that the
prisoners were systematically starved.
On Wednesday, Secretary of State John F. Kerry opened the Geneva 2
peace conference on Syria by referring to this "horrific" account of
"s_ystematic torture and execution of thousands of prisoners." He called it
"an appalling assault, not only on human lives but on human dignity and
on every standard by which the international community tries to organize
itself." The jurists, former war-crimes prosecutors commissioned by the
government of Qatar, concluded that the "evidence would support findings
of crimes against humanity against the current Syrian regime."
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Yet the diplomatic initiative that Mr. Kerry launched offers no means to
hold the regime of Bashar al-Assad accountable for these atrocities, or
even to stop them. On the contrary: It may serve to prop up the Assad
government by treating it as a legitimate party to negotiations about Syria's
future. Mr. Kerry insists the talks will lead to a transitional government that
excludes Mr. Assad, but the Syrian delegation flatly rejects this premise,
and there is no indication that its allies Russia and Iran think otherwise.
Some diplomats at the conference, such as United Nations mediator
Lakhdar Brahimi, believe it could lead to palliative measures, such as local
cease-fires and the opening of humanitarian corridors to besieged civilians.
Mr. Brahimi's predecessor, Kofi Annan, was convinced of this as well and
even obtained the Assad regime's formal agreement to a plan. But the
Assad forces never respected their commitments; now they are using offers
of humanitarian supplies as a means to force the surrender of rebel-held
areas.
President Obama demonstrated last year that the credible threat of force
could change the regime's behavior. His promise of airstrikes caused Mr.
Assad to surrender an arsenal of chemical weapons . Yet the president
seems not to have learned the lesson of that episode. Now he makes the
defeatist argument that, as he put it to David Remnick of the New Yorker,
"It is very difficult to imagine a scenario in which our involvement in Syria
would have led to a better outcome, short of us being willing to undertake
an effort in size and scope similar to what we did in Iraq."
In fact, Mr. Obama probably could force the measures Mr. Brahimi is
seeking by presenting Mr. Assad with the choice of accepting them or
enduring U.S. airstrikes. That he refuses to consider options between Mr.
Kerry's feckless diplomacy and an Iraq-style invasion only ensures that the
Geneva 2 conference will fail and that the atrocities will continue.
Article 2.
Los Angeles Times
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Fate of Bashar Assad is key in Syria talks
Patrick J. McDonnell
January 22, 2014 -- Montreux, Switzerland — At the core of the
extraordinary diplomatic push launched Wednesday to end Syria's civil war
is the fate of one man: Syrian President Bashar Assad.
Assad has steadfastly maintained power during nearly three years of war
and hints he may run for reelection this year. But the Obama administration
and the U.S.-backed opposition have said Assad must step down in any
peace deal. That strategy may have backfired, contributing to a protracted
conflict, a radicalization of the armed opposition and a consolidation of
Assad's support.
While Assad is at the center of the debate about Syria, his future has
significance far beyond the country's borders.
Syria is one of the key pieces of a delicate reordering of the political map
of the Middle East. The conflict has become a proxy war in the regional
conflict between Sunni Muslims and Shiite Muslims. The U.S. effort to end
decades of estrangement with Shiite Iran, starting with an interim deal to
limit its nuclear program, has further angered longtime ally Saudi Arabia,
Iran's Sunni archrival. The monarchy already was upset that Washington
has not been more aggressive against Assad, Tehran's longtime ally.
Few expect the peace negotiations, which move to Geneva on Friday for
face-to-face meetings between the government and the opposition, to reach
a swift resolution.
Washington appeared to be doubling down on the demand that Assad must
go.
The "only thing standing" in the way of a political solution is "the stubborn
clinging to power of one man, one family," Secretary of State John F.
Kerry told the conference, adding: "One man and those who have
supported him can no longer hold an entire nation and a region hostage."
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Assad, who was not at the conference, showed no sign of backing down.
Syrian officials and their Russian allies have indicated flexibility on a
number of issues, including possible cease-fires, prisoner exchanges and
bolstered humanitarian access to besieged areas. But Damascus says
Assad's future is nonnegotiable.
"Syrians alone have the right to choose their government, their parliament
and their constitution," Syrian Foreign Minister Walid Moallem told
diplomats who had come to Montreux from more than 30 nations, most
seemingly hostile to Assad. "Everything else is just talk and has no
significance."
Moallem said any deal brokered in Geneva is subject to a national
referendum. Assad seems confident he could win an election — though
balloting would be of questionable legitimacy amid a civil war.
During the war, the radicalization of the opposition, including the growth
of Al Qaeda and other militant Islamic elements, has bolstered Assad's
support in some quarters. That is especially the case among Christians and
other minorities and among many secular-minded Syrians appalled at the
prospect of an Islamist takeover.
Assad stands atop a dynastic power structure more than four decades in the
making, set in place by former President Hafez Assad, the current leader's
late father. In the 1980s, the elder Assad oversaw the military crushing of
an Islamist uprising viewed by his son as an earlier incarnation of the
current revolt. Bashar Assad is also the standard-bearer of Syria's Alawite
minority, many of whose members view the revolt led by the Sunni
Muslim majority as a matter of survival.
U.S. officials are keen to avoid both direct military involvement in a
potential quagmire and a complete collapse of Syria. Diplomats fear the
kind of chaos that followed the U.S.-led ouster of Saddam Hussein in
neighboring Iraq in 2003.
Syria's major allies, Russia and Iran, have asserted that they are not tied to
propping up Assad's rule. But many Western diplomats are skeptical. Syria
is Russia's last major strategic bastion in the Middle East. And, for Tehran,
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Assad's Syria is a central component of its "axis of resistance" partnership
with Hezbollah, the Lebanese-based political and military group.
President Obama stated publicly in August 2011 that Assad should step
down from office. Expectations in Washington and other global capitals
that Assad's trajectory would mirror the relatively quick exits of Egyptian
and Tunisian strongmen caught in "Arab Spring" uprisings were off base.
Unlike in Tunisia and Egypt, the Syrian military backed Assad and carried
out his crackdown on dissent.
Despite its oft-stated antipathy toward Assad, Washington has also shown a
willingness to work with his government when necessary. The deal reached
last year to avert U.S. airstrikes was contingent on Assad's willingness to
renounce his chemical weapons stockpiles under international supervision.
Some observers, notably Ryan Crocker, a former U.S. ambassador to a
number of Mideast and South Asian countries, have said that Assad is
unlikely to fall and it would be wise for Washington to engage his
government as an alternative to Islamic radicals. But Kerry's comments in
Montreux indicate that the Obama administration remains intent on Assad's
departure.
Kerry regularly cites the "Geneva communique," a kind of peace road map
hammered out in June 2012 during a United Nations-organized summit.
But the document does not explicitly call for Assad's ouster. The
transitional administration "could include members of the present
government and the opposition and other groups and shall be formed on
the basis of mutual consent," the communique states.
Syria says it is committed to implementing the terms of the Geneva
communique "as a package, without singling out" any specific terms,
Bashar Jaafari, Syria's delegate to the United Nations, told reporters
Wednesday.
In Damascus
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