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From: Gregory Brown
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Subject: Greg Brown's Weekend Reading and Other Things.... 04/20/2014
Date: Sun, 20 Apr 2014 07:38:13 +0000
Attachments: Facts &_Figures
2014.docx; Everything_You Don't ICnow_About Tipping_Huff_Post_04 08 2014.docx;
The Changing_Demographics of —America Joel iotkin Smithsonian Artga 2010.docx;
This Is Us, Portrait of a Changing America ALEXIS- C. MADRI6AL_The_Atlantic_0
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DEAR FRIEND
FDR and the Four Freedoms Speech
FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT, 1941 STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS ("THE FOUR FREEDOMS") (6 January 1941)
Franklin Roosevelt was elected president for an unprecedented third term in 1940 because at the time
the world faced unprecedented danger, instability, and uncertainty. Much of Europe had fallen to the
advancing German Army and Great Britain was barely holding its own. A great number of Americans
remained committed to isolationism and the belief that the United States should continue to stay out
of the war, but President Roosevelt understood Britain's need for American support and attempted to
convince the American people of the gravity of the situation.
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In his Annual Message to Congress (State of the Union Address) on January 6, 1941, Franklin
Roosevelt presented his reasons for American involvement, making the case for continued aid to Great
Britain and greater production of war industries at home. In helping Britain, President Roosevelt
stated, the United States was fighting for the universal freedoms that all people possessed.
As America entered the war these "Four Freedoms" -- the freedom of speech, the freedom of
worship, the freedom from want, and the freedom from fear - symbolized America's war aims
and gave hope in the following years to a war-wearied people because they knew they were
fighting for freedom.
Sam Rosenman quote
Roosevelt's preparation of the Four Freedoms Speech was typical of the process that he went through
on major policy addresses. To assist him, he charged his close advisers Harry L. Hopkins, Samuel I.
Rosenman, and Robert Sherwood with preparing initial drafts. Adolf A. Berle, Jr., and Benjamin V.
Cohen of the State Department also provided input. But as with all his speeches, FDR edited,
rearranged, and added extensively until the speech was his creation. In the end, the speech went
through seven drafts before final delivery.
The famous Four Freedoms paragraphs did not appear in the speech until the fourth draft. One night
as Hopkins, Rosenman, and Sherwood met with the President in his White House study, FDR
announced that he had an idea for a peroration (the closing section of a speech). As recounted by
Rosenman: "We waited as he leanedfar back in his swivel chair with his gaze on the ceiling. It was a
long pause—so long that it began to become uncomfortable. Then he leanedforward again in his
chair"and dictated the Four Freedoms. "He dictated the words so slowly that on the yellow pad I
had in my lap I was able to take them down myself in longhand as he spoke."
The ideas enunciated in the Roosevelt's Four Freedoms were the foundational principles that evolved
into the Atlantic Charter declared by Winston Churchill and FDR in August 1941; the United Nations
Declaration of January 1, 1942; President Roosevelt's vision for an international organization that
became the United Nations after his death; and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted by
the United Nations in 1948 through the work of Eleanor Roosevelt.
Although I was born years after FDR's death, as long as I could remember, my mother, my father, all of
my relatives, as well as everyone in the church that we attended and almost everyone around me
including my teachers and the parents of my white friends and classmates all paid homage to
Franklin Roosevelt. Look at what Roosevelt's New Deal built across the country — hospitals, schools,
libraries, parks, paved roads, sewage plants and the extension of the electric grid, as well as the safety
net for the poor and elderly, the very things that we take for granted today. And it was Roosevelt who
challenged the young and old from every ethnic group and region to mobilize to make to make these
things happen in the 1930s. He showed America that if workers, women, minorities, students,
intellectuals all mobilized for the betterment of the common good the country would prosper. And the
result was, "the Greatest Generation"and unprecedented prosperity for the next 3o years.
FDR's ideas were radical and like Abraham Lincoln many of his methods were unorthodox to say the
least. In addition to this he used the power of rhetoric and empathy to mobilize the country (both the
private and public sector) to work together which most conservatives today, who see big government
as the problem, as impossible. Big government run well works, just like big business run well works
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with the difference is that government's job is to serve the greater common good and businesses' goal
is about generating wealth and often for a very few and after more than thirty years of trickle-down
economics this trend has created the greatest economic inequality since the gilded age a hundred years
ago.
We need to redeem the meaning of democracy and freedom in America. Fighting for democracy
abroad while suppressing voter access at home is not the America that our Founding Fathers, as well
as Abraham Lincoln and Franklin Roosevelt envisioned. As a result, we should do everything that we
can to fight for our Four Freedoms - the freedom of speech and religion and the freedom from want
and fear — and that those basic freedoms be extended to every American. These freedoms are not
ideals as they have to be continually defended to sustain and secure democracy. That's what Roosevelt
knew. That's what Jefferson knew. And no one seems to remember that today. I invite you to read the
full text of this wonderful speech. Also please take a look at a recent interview by Bill Moyers with
historian Harvey J. Kaye about why FDR's "Four Freedoms" - freedom from fear and want and
freedom of speech and religion — are more important now than ever. Web Link:
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ECONOMIC
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Why are record numbers of Americans on food stamps? Because record numbers of Americans are in
poverty. Why are people falling through the cracks? Because there are cracks to fall through. It is
simply astonishing that in this rich nation more than 21 million Americans are still in need of full-time
work, many of them running out of jobless benefits, while our financial class pockets record profits,
spends lavishly on campaigns to secure a political order that serves its own interests and demands that
our political class push for further austerity. Meanwhile, roughly 46 million Americans live at or below
the poverty line and, with the exception of Romania, no developed country has a higher percent of kids
in poverty than we do. Yet there is little support among the wealthiest Americans for policy reforms to
reduce income inequality.
"Inequality matters," Bill Moyers said in a recent essay. "You will hear people say it doesn't, but they
are usually so high up the ladder they can't even see those at the bottom." The distance between the
first and the least in America is indeed vast and growing — proven by shocking statistics and tens of
thousands personal stories of challenge and hardship, made even harder by policies and political
collusion that reward the wealthy at the cost of everyone else. Whatever your politics — I urge
everyone to learn more about the class gap, how it happened, what's making it worse and what "you"
and the collective "we" can do about it.
******
The Changing Demographics of America
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Estimates of the United states population at the middle of the 21st century vary, from the .'s 404
million to the U.S. Census Bureau's 422 to 458 million. To develop a snapshot of the nation at
2050, particularly its astonishing diversity and youthfulness, roughly too million more than we have
today. The United States is also expected to grow somewhat older. The portion of the population that
is currently at least 65 years old-13 percent—is expected to reach about 20 percent by 2050. This
"graying ofAmerica" has helped convince some commentators of the nation's declining eminence. For
example, an essay by international relations expert Parag Khanna envisions a "shrunken America"
lucky to eke out a meager existence between a "triumphant China" and a "retooled Europe." Morris
Berman, a cultural historian, says America "is running on empty."
But even as the baby boomers age, the population of working and young people is also expected to
keep rising, in contrast to most other advanced nations. America's relatively high fertility rate—the
number of children a woman is expected to have in her lifetime—hit 2.1 in 2006, with 4.3 million total
births, the highest levels in 45 years, thanks largely to recent immigrants, who tend to have more
children than residents whose families have been in the United States for several generations.
Moreover, the nation is on the verge of a baby boomlet, when the children of the original boomers
have children of their own. Between 2000 and 2050, census data suggest, the U.S. 15-to-64 age group
is expected to grow 42 percent. In contrast, because of falling fertility rates, the number of young and
working-age people is expected to decline elsewhere: by 10 percent in China, 25 percent in Europe, 3o
percent in South Korea and more than 4o percent in Japan.
Within the next four decades most of the developed countries in Europe and East Asia will become
veritable old-age homes: a third or more of their populations will be over 65. By then, the United
States is likely to have more than 350 million people under 65. The prospect of an additional 100
million Americans by 2050 worries some environmentalists. A few have joined traditionally
conservative xenophobes and anti-immigration activists in calling for a national policy to slow
population growth by severely limiting immigration. The U.S. fertility rate-5o percent higher than
that of Russia, Germany and Japan and well above that of China, Italy, Singapore, South Korea and
virtually all the rest of Europe—has also prompted criticism. But even with loo million more people,
the United States will be only one-sixth as crowded as Germany is today.
Immigration will continue to be a major force in U.S. life. The United Nations estimates that two
million people a year will move from poorer to developed nations over the next 4o years, and more
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than half of those will come to the United States, the world's preferred destination for educated, skilled
migrants. I n 2000, according to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, an
association of 3o democratic, free-market countries, the United States was home to 12.5 million skilled
immigrants, equaling the combined total for Germany, France, the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada
and Japan.
If recent trends continue, immigrants will play a leading role in our future economy. Between 1990 and
2005, immigrants started one out of four venture-backed public companies. Large American firms are
also increasingly led by people with roots in foreign countries, including 15 of the Fortune 100 CEOs in
2007. For all these reasons, the United States of 2050 will look different from that of today: whites
will no longer be in the majority. The U.S. minority population, currently 3o percent, is expected to
exceed 50 percent before 2050. No other advanced, populous country will see such diversity. In fact,
most of America's net population growth will be among its minorities, as well as in a growing mixed-
race population. Latino and Asian populations are expected to nearly triple, and the children of
immigrants will become more prominent. Today in the United States, 25 percent of children under age
5 are Hispanic; by 2050, that percentage will be almost 4o percent.
Growth places the United States in a radically different position from that of Russia, Japan and
Europe. Russia's low birth and high mortality rates suggest its overall population will drop by 30
percent by 2050, to less than a third of the United States'. No wonder Prime Minister Vladimir Putin
has spoken of "the serious threat of turning into a decaying nation." While China's population will
continue to grow for a while, it may begin to experience decline as early as 2035, first in work force and
then in actual population, mostly because of the government's one-child mandate, instituted in 1979
and still in effect. By 2050, 31 percent of China's population will be older than 60. More than 41
percent of Japanese will be that old.
Political prognosticators say China and India pose the greatest challenges to American predominance.
But China, like Russia, lacks the basic environmental protections, reliable legal structures, favorable
demographics and social resilience of the United States. India, for its part, still has an overwhelmingly
impoverished population and suffers from ethnic, religious and regional divisions. The vast majority of
the Indian population remains semiliterate and lives in poor rural villages. The United States still
produces far more engineers per capita than India or China. Suburbia will continue to be a mainstay
of American life. Despite criticisms that suburbs are culturally barren and energy-inefficient, most U.S.
metropolitan population growth has taken place in suburbia, confounding oft-repeated predictions of
its decline.
Some aspects of suburban life—notably long-distance commuting and heavy reliance on fossil fuels—
will have to change. The new suburbia will be far more environmentally friendly—what
some sociologists call "greenurbia." The Internet, wireless phones, video conferencing and other
communication technologies will allow more people to work from home: at least one in four or five will
do so full time or part time, up from roughly one in six or seven today. Also, the greater use of trees for
cooling, more sustainable architecture and less wasteful appliances will make the suburban home of
the future far less of a danger to ecological health than in the past. Houses may be smaller—lot sizes
are already shrinking as a result of land prices—but they will remain, for the most part, single-family
dwellings. A new landscape may emerge, one that resembles the network of smaller towns
characteristic of 19th-century America. The nation's landmass is large enough—about 3 percent is
currently urbanized—to accommodate this growth, while still husbanding critical farmland and open
space.
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A more competitive and environmentally sustainable America will rely on technology. Fortunately, no
nation has been more prodigious in its ability to apply new methods and techniques to solve
fundamental problems; the term "technology" was invented in America in 1829. New energy finds,
unconventional fuel sources and advanced technology are likely to ameliorate the long-prophesied
energy catastrophe. And technology can ease or even reverse the environmental costs of growth. With
a population of 300 million, the United States has cleaner air and water now than 4o years ago, when
the population was 200 million. The America of 2050 will most likely remain the one truly
transcendent superpower in terms of society, technology and culture. It will rely on what has been
called America's "civil religion" - its ability to forge a unique common national culture amid great
diversity of people and place. We have no reason to lose faith in the possibilities of the future.
As Chris Cillizza points out this week in The Washington Post in an op-ed — The Next America'
presents challenges, opportunitiesfor politicians — the America of today bears little
resemblance to the country of 5o years ago. It is older. It is less white. And those two demographic
trends will only accelerate over the next 5o years. First of all the country is getting less white and
within the next thirty years Caucasians will constitute less than 50% of the population. And the second
demographic is the graying of our nation. Medical advances and better eating habits are extending our
lives to a point unimaginable even as recently as 1960. Back then, average life expectancy was a shade
under 7o; in 2011, it was nearly 79. (The gap between men and women has shrunk as well. In 1960,
women lived on average seven years longer; in 2011 that advantage was less than five years.) Experts
say that we will have almost as many Americans over age 85 as under age 5" by 2060 — changing the
usual age pyramid — broad among the young and narrowing significantly as the age ranges rise — will
turn into more of an age rectangle over the next five decades. (This phenomenon is not simply a result
of people living longer; the birth rate is declining simultaneously.)
The other major demographic shift is the declining white population and the surging Hispanic
community. The American population was 85 percent white in 1960, but by 2060, it is expected to be
43 percent white. By contrast, Hispanics, who were just 4 percent of the population in 1960, are
projected to make up more than 3o percent by 2060. The political implications of these changes are
profound and are already being visited on the two major parties. Mitt Romney won the white vote by
20 points in 2012 - the largest margin since Ronald Reagan in his landslide reelection in 1984 — but
still lost the election convincingly. That's because whites were just 72 percent of voters, the lowest
percentage ever; it was the sixth-straight presidential race in which the white vote declined as a share
of the overall electorate. Combine the smaller white vote with Obama's dominance among Hispanics
(he won 71 percent of their votes) and African Americans (93 percent), and you see why he won easily
among an electorate that simply looked different than it had in years past.
Perhaps the most interesting about demographic ethnicity shift, is not the projected growth of the
Hispanic community or the shrinking of the white community, but rather the blurring of racial lines.
In 1960, just over 2 percent of the population married someone not of their own race. By 2010, that
number had surged to 15.5 percent. By 2050, will our racial categories still make much sense? These
days our old labels are having trouble keeping up with our new weddings. The broad takeaway is that
age and ethnicity are reshaping our country, and even our ways of describing each other, rapidly and
meaningfully. Those changes mean that assumptions based on the past are extremely dangerous, in
politics and everywhere else. We are entering a new age for America and as my friend from New York
University use to say 4o years ago we are entering into the Fourth World (more multi-cultural and
age diverse) and both major political parties need to acknowledge that reality and act — and react —
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accordingly and this doesn't mean building higher citizenship walls, suppressing voter turnout or
gerrymandering safe congressional districts.
******
This Is Us: Portrait of a Changing
America
Changing Face of America
Percent of total U.S. population by race and ethnicity. 196O2060
10O%
75%
50%
25%
036
1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020 2030 2040 2050 2060
All other Asian Hispanic Black White
Change is complex and often difficult, particularly at the scale of a nation 300 plus million strong. It
doesn't proceed smoothly or at the same rate among all age, racial, or ethnic groups. And yet: some of
the movements—like the increase in support of gay marriage or interracial relationships or the decline
of religious affiliation—are so clearly defined as to seem inexorable now. Pew Research's new
report, The Next America, provides a portrait of these demographic and cultural shifts. It's filled
with fascinating details about who Americans are, what we believe, and how both of those things have
changed over the last several decades. For more information attached please the other six charts in
Alexis Madrigal's article in The Atlantic - This Is Us: Portrait of a Changing America -
showing the huge demographic shifts in seven easy graphs.
******
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Earlier this month I ran across several interesting articles as I was preparing for assembling my weekly
readings about a venture — Spread Networks - to dig, from scratch, a superfast fiber-cable route
for sending trades between Chicago and New York. It would be nearly as straight as the crow flies and
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create a new critical link for speed-obsessed traders. While several years ago, Chris Christie, the
governor of New Jersey, trying to curry favor with the government- and public-transit-hating
Republican Base, abruptly canceled America's biggest and arguably most important infrastructure
project, a desperately needed new rail tunnel under the Hudson River. But what blew me away was the
purpose of this 825 mile underground fiber-optic cable that would shave three milliseconds — three-
thousandths of a second - off communication time between the futures markets of Chicago and the
stock markets of New York. And the fact that this tunnel was built while the rail tunnel wasn't tells you
a lot about what's wrong with America today.
Not all trading takes place in New York. By historical accident, derivatives such as futures and options
are mostly traded on the Chicago Mercantile Exchange, 720 miles away. So a few years ago, a company
called Spread Networks began quietly buying up rights-of-way for a route that would lop about 140
miles off the shortest fiber-optic cable distance between the Chicago Merc and the communications
hub of Carteret, New Jersey, the primary data center for Nasdaq. Existing networks tend to follow
railroad lines and were designed to serve population centers, not to provide a point-to-point link for
traders. Instead of dipping south toward Philadelphia, Spread's route heads northwest through central
Pennsylvania and then due west to Cleveland and then onto Chicago.
Spread's one-inch cable is the latest weapon in the technology arms race among Wall Street houses
that use algorithms to make lightning-fast trades. Every day these outfits control bigger stakes of the
markets—up to 70% now. "Anybody pinging both markets has to be on this line, or they're dead,"says
Jon A. Najarian, cofounder of OptionMonster, which tracks high-frequency trading. Spread's
advantage lies in its route, which makes nearly a straight line from a data center in Chicago's South
Loop to a building across the street from Nasdaq's servers in Carteret, M. Older routes largely follow
railroad rights-of-way through Indiana, Ohio and Pennsylvania. At 825 miles and 13.3 milliseconds,
Spread's circuit shaves 10o miles and 3 milliseconds off of the previous route of lowest latency,
engineer-talk for length of delay. Again, three milliseconds is three one-thousandths of a second. Does
that really matter? 'That's close to an eternity in automated trading,"says Ben Van Vliet, a professor
at the Illinois Institute of Technology. "This is all about picking gold coins up off thefloor-only the
fastest person is going to get the coins."
Who cares about three milliseconds? The answer is, high-frequency traders, who make money by
buying or selling stock a tiny fraction of a second faster than other players. Not surprisingly, Michael
Lewis starts his best-selling new book "Flash Boys," a polemic against high-frequency trading, with
the story of the Spread Networks tunnel. Economist Paul Krugman says: The real moral of the tunnel
tale is independent of Mr. polemic. Think about it. You may or may not buy Mr.
depiction of the high-frequency types as villains and those trying to thwart them as heroes. (If you ask
me, there are no good guys in this story.) But either way, spending hundreds of millions of dollars to
save three milliseconds looks like a huge waste. And that's part of a much broader picture, in which
society is devoting an ever-growing share of its resources to financial wheeling and dealing, while
getting little or nothing in return.
How much waste are we talking about? A paper by Thomas Philippon of New York University puts it
at several hundred billion dollars a year. Mr. Philippon starts with the familiar observation that
finance has grown much faster than the economy as a whole. Specifically, the share of . accruing
to bankers, traders, and so on has nearly doubled since 1980, when we started dismantling the system
of financial regulation created as a response to the Great Depression. What are we getting in return for
all that money? Not much, as far as anyone can tell. Mr. Philippon shows that the financial industry
has grown much faster than either the flow of savings it channels or the assets it manages. Defenders
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of modem finance like to argue that it does the economy a great service by allocating capital to its most
productive uses — but that's a hard argument to sustain after a decade in which Wall Street's crowning
achievement involved directing hundreds of billions of dollars into subprime mortgages.
Wall Street's friends also used to claim that the proliferation of complex financial instruments was
reducing risk and increasing the system's stability, so that financial crises were a thing of the past. No,
really. But if our supersized financial sector isn't making us either safer or more productive, what is it
doing? One answer is that it's playing small investors for suckers, causing them to waste huge sums in
a vain effort to beat the market. Don't take my word for it — that's what the president of the American
Finance Association declared in 2008. Another answer is that a lot of money is going to speculative
activities that are privately profitable but socially unproductive. And now one of the latest scams is
high-frequency trading where complex algorithms and millisecond advantages enable computers to
intercept buy and sell orders and execute interim trades between the parties making pennies on each
share but totaling billions of dollars without these interlopers contributing any benefits to the buyers
or seller and the economy at large.
You may object that this can't be right, that the invisible hand of the market ensures that private
returns and social returns coincide. Economists have, however, known for a long time that when it
comes to speculation, that proposition just isn't true. Back in 1815 Baron Rothschild made a killing
because he knew the outcome of the Battle of Waterloo a few hours before everyone else; it's hard to
see how that knowledge made Britain as a whole richer. It's even harder to see how the three-
millisecond advantage conveyed by the Spread Networks tunnel makes modem America richer; yet
that advantage was clearly worth it to the speculators.
On another note, in April of 2012, the Canadian research ship Coriolis II set out from Halifax to survey
parts of the continental shelf stretching 1,000 miles off the east coast of Nova Scotia. The ship was
hired by Hibernia Atlantic, (which changed its name last year to Hibernia Networks), a Summit,
New Jersey-based company that operates undersea telecom cables, to map out a new $300 million
trans-Atlantic fiber-optic line called Project Express. The cable stretches 3,000 miles beneath the
North Atlantic, connecting financial markets in London and New York at record transmission speeds.
A small group of U.S. and European high-speed trading firms will pay steep fees to use the cable. The
"new" New York—London link intended to shave 311 miles off the usual distance and cut the round-trip
message time from 65 milliseconds to just under 60. As a result, Project Express became the fastest
cable across the Atlantic, reducing the time it takes data to travel round-trip between New York and
London to 59.6 milliseconds from the current top speed of 64.8 milliseconds, according to Hibernia
Atlantic, Bloomberg Businessweek. Those five milliseconds might not seem like a big deal, but to
the handful of electronic trading firms that will have exclusive access to the cable, it will be a huge
advantage. "That extrafive milliseconds could be worth millions every time they hit the button,"says
Joseph Hilt, senior vice president of financial services at Hibernia Networks.
In short, we're giving huge sums to the financial industry while receivini,tle or nothing — maybe less
than nothing — in return. Mr. Philippon puts the waste at 2 percent of . Yet even that figure,
which Paul Krugman says understates the true cost of our bloated financial industry. For there is a
dear correlation between the rise of modem finance and America's return to Gilded Age levels of
inequality. Never mind the debate about exactly how much damage high-frequency trading does. It's
the whole financial industry, not just that piece, that's undermining our economy and our society. And
the fact that for political reasons, the building of a greatly needed tunnel that would have carried tens
of thousands of people a day was abandoned and a 825 mile fiber optic cable was completed so that
financial market traders could make additional billions of dollars without contributing any real value is
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emblematic of a structural and moral deficiency in our society. We have to change our priorities if we
would like our country to grow and generate prosperity for all instead of a few speculators and their
customers
******
COSTS OF WAR
Over 330,000 Killed by Violence, $4 Trillion Spent and
Obligated
SBILLJONS REPORT/SOURCE
ESTIMATED Congressional War Appropriations to Pentagon' 51,406.9 Wheeler and Crawford
War related Additions to the Pentagon Base Budget 743.1 Crawford
DOLLAR Wanrelated International Assistance (State Department/USAIM 103.5 Oancs and Crawford
COSTS OF Veteran's Medical and Disability 134.7 8 limes
Additions to Homeland Security Spending 455.2 Dancs and Crawford
WARS, in Cumulative Interest Payments on Pentagon War and State/USAID 259.4 Edwards
Appropriations through FY2013 by 2013
$BILLIONS
SUBTOTAL FEDERAL OUTLAYS FY2001-FY2013 3.102.85
THESE US. TOTALS DO NOT INCLUDE: Projected Iraq, Afghanistan and ONE spending. FY 2014' 6S Crawford
Medicare costs for injured veterans Projected Increase In Pentagon Base, FY2014 65 Crawford
after aim 65; Ispensesfor veterans Future Obligations for Veterans Medical and Disability through 2053' 754.4 811mes
paid for by state and local government
budgets or the social cost of veterans SUBTOTAL FUTURE SPENDING AND OBLIGATIONS 884.4
cam Ad:Shona' MIC/Ot<0.1CfriK
conuquences of war spear:Ws, TOTAL COSTS OF WARS FROM FY2001 INCLUDING FUTURE
includang infrastructure and gobs. On 3,987.25
SPENDING AND OBLIGATIONS
macroeconomic consequences seer
Edwards, Heintz. and Corlet-Ptilitt.
Additional Cumulative interest on Past Pentagon and State/USAID 5.7.000 Edwards
War Appropriations FY2001-2013 by 2053'
TWeb Link:
The official tally of all of the war's recorded dead — including soldiers, militants, police, contractors,
journalists, humanitarian workers and civilians — shows that over 330,000 people have died due to
direct war violence, many more indirectly. Indirect deaths from the wars, including those related to
malnutrition, damaged health infrastructure, and environmental degradation are not represented in
the aforementioned number. In previous wars, these deaths have far outnumbered deaths from
combat and that is likely the case here as well.
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330,000 Direct War Deaths, Afghanistan, Iraq, and
Pakistan,
2001-February 2013•
• Does not Include Indirect deaths which may total many
hundreds of thousands more
200,000 civilians have been killed as a result of the fighting at the hands of all parries to the conflict,
and more will die in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Pakistan as the violence continues. But most observers
acknowledge that the number of civilians killed has been undercounted. The true number of civilian
dead may be much larger when an adequate assessment is made. While we know how many US
soldiers have died in the wars (over 6,600), what is startling is what we don't know about the levels of
injury and illness in those who have returned from the wars. New disability claims continue to pour
into the VA, with over 75%mo disability claims already approved. Many deaths and injuries among
US contractors have not been identified.
Millions of people have been displaced indefinitely and are living in grossly inadequate conditions.
The number of war refugees and displaced persons --7.4 million-- is equivalent to all of the people of
Connecticut and Oregon fleeing their homes. Despite the US military withdrawal, Iraq's health,
infrastructure, and education systems remain war-devastated. The armed conflict in Pakistan, which
the US helps the Pakistani military fight by funding, equipping and training them, is in many ways
more intense than in Afghanistan although it receives less coverage in the US news. The wars have
been accompanied by erosions in civil liberties at home and human rights violations abroad.
Furthermore, the human and economic costs of these wars will continue for decades, some costs not
peaking until mid-century.
The US federal price tag for the Iraq war — including an estimate for veterans' medical and disability
costs into the future — is about $2.2 trillion dollars. The cost for both Iraq and Afghanistan/Pakistan
is going to be close to $4 trillion, not including future interest costs on borrowing for the wars. Many
of the wars' costs are invisible to Americans, buried in a variety of budgets, and so have not been
counted or assessed. For example, while most people think the Pentagon war appropriations are
equivalent to the wars' budgetary costs, the true numbers are twice that, and the full economic cost of
the wars much larger yet. As with former US wars, the costs of paying for veterans' care into the future
will be a sizable portion of the full costs of the war.
The ripple effects on the US economy have also been significant, including job loss and interest rate
increases, and those effects have been underappreciated.
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While it was promised that the US invasions would bring democracy to Afghanistan and Iraq, both
continue to rank low in global rankings of political freedom, with warlords continuing to hold power in
Afghanistan with US support, and Iraqi communities are more segregated today than before by gender
and ethnicity as a result of the war. Women in both countries are essentially closed out of political
power and high rates of female unemployment and widowhood have further eroded their condition.
During the US troop withdrawal from Iraq, President Obama said that the United States military was
leaving behind a "sovereign, stable, and self-reliant Iraq." This was not only an inaccurate account of
Iraq's situation at that time, but the country has since become less secure and politically stable.
Although violence in Iraq has declined since its peak, there has been a steady increase in the number of
attacks over the last year. And to be honest the statement was a farce.
Serious and compelling alternatives to war were scarcely considered in the aftermath of 9/it or in the
discussion about war against Iraq. Some of those alternatives are still available to the US.
There are many costs of these wars that we have not yet been able to quantify and assess. With our
limited resources, we focused on the human toll in the major war zones, Afghanistan, Iraq and
Pakistan and on US spending, as well as on assessing the claims made for enhanced security,
democracy, and women's condition. There is still much more to know and understand about how all
those affected by the wars have had their health, economies, and communities altered by the decade of
war, and what solutions exist for the problems they face as a result of the wars' destruction.
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More than 70% of deaths from direct war violence have been civilians. This does not include indirect
deaths from disease and injury suffered in conditions degraded by war.
It is imperative that we understand how much the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq cost the people in
America, Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan. The cost is staggering, the present cost, the future cost, the
human cost with its financial cost and their social cost. We have borrowed virtually all of the money
that we use to finance the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, adding at least one and a half trillion dollars to
a national debt. Millions of people have been displaced. Many more have suffered and died due to the
lack of access to clean drinking water, because they are malnourished, and because they can't get the
health care. There has been a major war going on in Pakistan that few Americans realize. In Pakistan
there have been tens of thousands of people killed in several million refugees created. In Iraq at least
125,000 civilians have been killed. And in Pakistan at least 35,000 people have died as a result of the
Afghan war. The cost of taking care of our veterans over the next 20 to 30 or 4o years alone is
estimated to add at least several billion dollars.
Many of the cost of these two wars are under-counted, uncounted and even suppressed which makes it
imperative that we try to get a full sense of what these wars have cost. Many Americans know that
6,000 men and women have died in uniform in these wars. But very few people know that the scale of
human death and wounding has been much higher both in the military and in the civilian sectors.
Because the cost has been borne unevenly, as military families, contractor families, the people of Iraq,
Afghanistan and Pakistan have borne a tremendous cost that often gone unseen. As it is hard to
convey the cost of these wars beyond lives because; the psychological toll and the physical toll of the
survivors who have lost limbs, whose growth has been stunted by malnourishment and who have
suffered diseases that they otherwise might not have gotten. This is very tough to talk about but we
have to. When the battles have been fought what kind of destruction is left behind? What are the
refugee flows? The destruction of housing? What kind of new family structures I set up when women
a widowed? What kind of poverty often ensues for these families?
Someone has to take responsibility for this. And what the true cost because someone made the
decision to go to war. We need to acknowledge and understand the overall cost of taking two million
young people, injecting of them into the line of fire and conflicts that really had no front lines, causing
a very large number of injuries relative to fatalities. The cost of these wars of choice is borne by many
different groups in our society, as the cost of wars are never over when the wars are over. Because
many costs go on for decades and some of the peak costs may not be incurred 4o years after, as
veterans age into some of the most difficult years of dealing with their disabilities and injuries from the
war. Some of the big questions that should be asked about the decision to invade Iraq in particularly.
Did starting a second war extend the war in Afghanistan? Would oil prices be what they are now if we
hadn't invaded Iraq? Would the national debt be as high? Would the financial crisis have been as
severe? And arguably the answer to all for those questions is no.
One of the things we also have to understand is what the trade-offs were. What kinds of job creations
were loss as a result of our focus on these wars? What was the cost to our infrastructure at home?
What kind of greening to our economy that could have occurred with all of the funds, human labor and
other resources if our country's focus had not gone into waging the wars in Iraq, Afghanistan and
Pakistan. There is an immense and urgent requirement to learn from the experiences of the past
decade and try to ensure that we don't make the same mistakes all over again. Wars cost and every
time one is waged, the human toll is far more destructive than ever envisioned or promised. These
were wars of choice. We were told that they would be easy. And they wouldn't cost a lot. We were also
told that we would create stable friendly democracies. We were told that these countries were behind
9/11. They weren't. There were no Weapons of Mass Destructions. WMDs.... We were manipulated
and lied to by our leaders who to this day are unapologetic or remorseful. It is easy to believe that
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because no one has been made to pay a penalty America will make this same mistake again. And this
is my rant of the week
WEEK's READINGS
One of the biggest outrages with wage inequality that has little to do the Top i% or Wall Street is back
in 1991, the National Restaurant Association passed around enough campaign contributions to
persuade Congress to set the federal minimum wage for waiters, busboys and bartenders at only $2.13
an hour. And it has never gone up. There has been a wave of recent protests calling on fast food chains
like McDonald's and Burger King to raise wages for their employees, who are forced to live on next to
nothing. But did you know that many workers in sit-down restaurants may be faring even worse?
These sit down restaurants claim that tips are additional income that make up the difference. But tips
are random and often meager. So much so that restaurant workers are twice as likely as other
Americans to be on public assistance. In other words, the people who run the system expect taxpayers
to subsidize profits with welfare for their poorly-paid employees. There are to million restaurant
workers in American who are desperately in need for better wages and working conditions.
This is a women's issue as well, because millions of young women start their work life working in
restaurants, and some continue to work in the industry when they get older. They suffer from three
times the poverty rate of the rest of the US workforce, and they use food stamps at double the rate of
the rest of the US workforce. So we're talking about poverty-wage workers, including their tips. In any
other context, when an employer practically doesn't pay their workers, full-time workers, it's called
slavery. But the big question is how is it that a major industry has basically convinced America,
convinced Congress, that they practically shouldn't have to pay their workers at all. It's purely money
and power. And their control over our legislators. Worse of all, the industry does everything that is
can fight changes in health and safety regulations, the minimum wage and organized labor.
How is it that a major industry has basically convinced America, convinced Congress, that they
practically shouldn't have to pay their workers at all? It's purely money and power. And their control
over our legislators. And when people are living completely off their tips, it means that we as
customers are paying their wages, not the employer. And the National Restaurant Association
ultimately does not want people to know that they've gotten away with this immense boondoggle.
Furthermore most people assume that when they leave a tip the person waiting on them and maybe
the bus-person are going to get it. But the truth is that at many establishments, your server has to
share the tip with probably 20 or 30 other people in the restaurant. Often management illegally takes
a portion of the tips. So that $3 or $5 and the $to tip that you left, your server might only see 25 cents
to a dollar of that tip. No customer in America believes when they leave a tip that they are leaving a
wage for a worker. Nobody believes that they're paying a wage. People think they're paying a tip on top
of a wage. We don't think about this in any other context except restaurants. We believe somehow
that because they're getting tips, they shouldn't get a wage. It's not true in any other context. And that
is because of the power of this industry.
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