podesta-emails
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SENTAOR MCCAIN STANDING UP FOR AMERICA'S MOST POWERFUL SPECIAL INTERESTS,
OUT OF TOUCH WITH AMERICANS' INTERESTS
Top McCain strategist Charlie Black has represented some of the world's
worst human rights abusers. He
<http://thecaucus.blogs.nytimes.com/2008/05/19/mccain-top-aide-defends-lobby
ing-work/> said this week, ""I have personally had a policy that, if I'm
working in somebody's campaign that I do not lobby they and their staff,
since 1984." Black, the ultimate lobbyist, has even made lobbying calls
from the Straight Talk Express.
. McCain has had at least 118 LOBBYISTS who are advising, working
for or raising money for his presidential campaign. Read the list here
<http://www.mccainsource.com/corruption?id=0006> .
. McCain's Lobbyist advisors, who develop his policies and would
lead his administration, have for years fought against the interests of
Americans by advocating for Big Oil, Insurance companies, Iraq contractors
and white washing the crimes of dictators.
. Senator McCain has a history of ethics entanglement defending
lobbyists, not America's families. Throughout his quarter-century in
Washington, McCain has shown whose side he is on - from Keating Five to
Paxson Communications to Airbus.
. McCain Senior adviser Charlie Black's firm has lobbied for brutal
dictators including Philippines dictator Ferdinand Marcos, Mobuto Sese Seko
of Zaire, Somali dictator Mohamed Siad Barre, Nigerian dictator Ibrahim
Babangida and Angolan rebel and "classical terrorist" Jonas Savimbi.
o In 1988, Black's firm lobbied Jack Kemp's office 14 times on behalf of
Angolan rebel leader Jonas Savimbi while Black managed Kemp's presidential
campaign.
o In 1992, Black's firm lobbied the Bush White House and Departments over
200 times while Black advised President Bush on his re-election.
Don't miss this piece (or the PMUSA attached research) in today's Washington
Post.
Washington Post: McCain Adviser's Work As Lobbyist Criticized
Foreign Clients Included Notorious Rulers
By Michael D. Shear and Jeffrey H. Birnbaum
Washington Post Staff Writers
Thursday, May 22, 2008; A01
Longtime uber-lobbyist Charles R. Black Jr. is John McCain's man in
Washington, a political maestro who is hoping to guide his friend, the
senator from Arizona, to the presidency this November.
But for half a decade in the 1980s, Black was also Jonas Savimbi's man in
the capital city. His lobbying firm received millions from the brutal
Angolan guerrilla leader and took advantage of Black's contacts in Congress
and the White House.
Justice Department records that Black's firm submitted under the Foreign
Agents Registration Act detail frequent meetings with lawmakers and their
staffs and lavish spending by Black and his partners as they attempted to
ensure support for Savimbi, whose UNITA movement was fighting the Marxist
Angolan government.
Then in his 30s, Black already had established himself as a pioneer of the
revolving door between campaign consulting and lobbying, having been a
senior adviser on President Ronald Reagan's reelection campaign before
returning to K Street. And his clients, as often as not, were foreign
leaders eager to burnish their reputations.
In addition to Savimbi, Black and his partners were at times registered
foreign agents for a remarkable collection of U.S.-backed foreign leaders
whose human rights records were sometimes harshly criticized, even as their
opposition to communism was embraced by American conservatives. They
included Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos, Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire,
Nigerian Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre, and
the countries of Kenya and Equatorial Guinea, among others.
That client list is now the subject of a fierce attack from Democrats who
are clamoring for Black, 60, to be fired as McCain's top political
strategist. And the candidate's decision this month to impose a strict ban
on lobbying for foreign governments by members of his staff has only
intensified the scrutiny of Black's past.
McCain "portrays himself as Mr. Clean, and then he has all these lobbyists
around him who are connected to a lot of not-so-clean people," said Paul C.
Light, a professor of public service at New York University. "One of the
things Obama will do is portray him as the creature of Washington, and what
could be more Washington-esque than having a dictator as a client?"
The back-and-forth between lobbyists and presidential advisers is not
exclusive to Republicans. Democratic candidate Barack Obama does not accept
donations from lobbyists, but the senator from Illinois has lobbyists
informally advising him on strategy and on policy.
Black has retired from lobbying, having left BKSH & Associates recently. But
he says he has no intention of leaving the campaign and is unapologetic
about a lobbying career spanning 30 years and seven presidential campaigns.
He said his firms never represented foreigners "without first talking to the
State Department and the White House and clearing with them that the work
would be in the interest of U.S. foreign policy."
For instance, he said, the United States considered Marcos an ally when
Black's firm took on work for the Philippine government, and "when the White
House pulled the plug on Marcos, we resigned the account the same day." He
said his firm was hired to help show Mobutu how to form political parties
and conduct elections, and when Mobutu canceled the results of a
parliamentary election, "we quit."
"Anyone that knows John McCain and his record understands that he's a public
servant who stands on principle. Any suggestion otherwise isn't rooted in
fact," said Tucker Bounds, a spokesman for the campaign. But McCain has long
been seen as a fighter against just the kind of special interests that paid
Black handsomely.
Black formed the political consulting firm Black, Manafort and Stone in 1980
with two other Republican political advisers, Paul Manafort and Roger Stone.
In 1981, the trio started a separate lobbying company by the same name. In
subsequent years, the lobbying firm added Democrat Peter Kelly, and the
consulting firm tapped legendary GOP adviser Lee Atwater.
The lobbying shop represented Bethlehem Steel, the Tobacco Institute and the
government of the Philippines. The political consulting firm helped elect a
slew of lawmakers -- including Sens. Phil Gramm, Jesse Helms, Charles McC.
Mathias Jr., Arlen Specter, Paula Hawkins and David F. Durenberger -- who
worked on legislation that directly impacted the firm's clients.
Black continued to give political advice to Republicans, especially at the
presidential level. He volunteered as a top aide to the presidential
campaigns of George H.W. Bush, Robert J. Dole, Phil Gramm, George W. Bush
and, most recently, McCain.
"If you're going to be a major figure in the field of lobbying, you have to
have some credentials," said former congressman Bob Livingston (R-La.),
whose lobbying firm, the Livingston Group, represents foreign clients. "Some
are exceptional fundraisers, and some, like Charlie, are superlative
political strategists."
Black's willingness to work for free as a political adviser created
relationships that are the building blocks of a lobbying career. He forged
bonds with politicians that were closer than the more traditional ties
created when lobbyists raise money for candidates.
"The bond of going through an election with somebody is like going through a
war. That bond is very powerful," said James Thurber, a lobbying expert at
American University. "They are like a family. It's a very strong bond, much
stronger than money."
But those bonds did not always lead to success, Black said. He acknowledged
lobbying McCain in the late 1990s on behalf of Robert L. Crandall, then
chairman of American Airlines. As Black recalled, he took Crandall to speak
to McCain about the potential granting of landing slots at Reagan National
Airport to new airlines, including America West, which was based in Phoenix,
the senator's home town. Crandall was opposed to giving out new slots.
During the meeting, Black said, Crandall mentioned that McCain had a
"parochial interest" in the matter, because of the home-state airline, but
that he hoped the senator would listen to his viewpoint anyway. Upon the
mention of parochial interest, however, McCain "stood up and politely said,
'This meeting is over,' " Black said.
"Crandall looked at me, and I said, 'Say goodbye, Bob, we're leaving,' "
Black recalled.
Black's work on behalf of foreign dictators has been no secret in
Washington. In the mid-1980s, media reports frequently mentioned his firm as
the choreographer of Savimbi's visits to the United States, often providing
him the trappings of a foreign leader.
Time magazine wrote in March 1986: "What the firm achieved was quickly
dubbed 'Savimbi chic.' Doors swung open all over town for the guerrilla
leader, who was dapperly attired in a Nehru suit and ferried about in a
stretch limousine." The firm's contract with Savimbi in 1985 was for
$600,000.
In late 1989, as the firm prepared for another Savimbi visit to Washington,
the foreign-agent records document hundreds of thousands of dollars it spent
on behalf of UNITA, including $76,491 for limousines, $13,675 for
photography and $216,186 for lodging at the Grand Hotel and the
Waldorf-Astoria.
In addition to introducing Savimbi to powerful politicians, Black's team
booked him on "60 Minutes" and "Nightline," as part of a media campaign
aimed at emphasizing to the public UNITA's desire for freedom from Angola's
Marxist government.
The documents also detail the workaday life of a Washington lobbyist. Page
after page lists daily phone calls and meetings between partners in Black's
firm and members of Congress or the administration.
The records show, for example, that Black attended a 1986 Capitol Hill
reception for Savimbi hosted by Dole, then the Senate majority leader,
during a week-long visit by the Angolan leader to Washington. Two months
later, on April 11, the records show the follow-up by a member of Black's
staff: "Activity: sent a photograph of Sen. Dole taken with Dr. Savimbi and
a note of thanks for support."
Staff writer Matthew Mosk and research editor Alice Crites contributed to
this report.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/05/21/AR2008052103
006_pf.html
Paid for by Progressive Media USA, not authorized by any candidate or
candidate's committee.
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ℹ️ Document Details
SHA-256
aa39e9a897d27a09951fae117788011b27460e3acbe0916aa4e2896b4c91b2fe
Dataset
podesta-emails
Document Type
email
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