podesta_email_00528.txt

podesta-emails 1,486 words email

P17 V11 V16 D6 P20

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Thanks Stu. I need to grapple with some of these edits, which go beyond where I might suggest she go at this point. Others are very well taken. Let me give it another crack and come back to you. On Mon, Jun 29, 2015 at 6:14 PM, Eizenstat, Stuart <[email protected]> wrote: > Dear Dan and Jake, > > Here is a cleaner version. Something happened with the one I just sent > that left gaps in the sentences. > > Stu > > > > *From:* Eizenstat, Stuart > *Sent:* Monday, June 29, 2015 6:09 PM > *To:* 'Daniel Kurtz-Phelan' > *Cc:* Jake Sullivan; John D. Podesta ([email protected]); Huma M. > Abedin ([email protected]) > *Subject:* RE: HRC Iran statement > > > > Dear Dan and Jake, > > > > I am sorry for the delay, but I only landed this morning from Israel via > JFK. Please see my comments below. Of course, we do not know the details at > this time. > > Stu > > > > *From:* Daniel Kurtz-Phelan [mailto:[email protected] > <[email protected]>] > *Sent:* Sunday, June 28, 2015 8:52 PM > *To:* Eizenstat, Stuart > *Cc:* Jake Sullivan > *Subject:* HRC Iran statement > > > > Dear Stu, > > > > Jake asked that I share with you the current draft of HRC's statement on > the Iran deal. It's pasted below. Some of this could of course change > depending on the details of a final agreement, but it would be great to > have your feedback at this stage, > > > > Many thanks, > > Dan > > > > > > ** > > > > I applaud President Obama and Secretary Kerry for securing a nuclear > agreement that offers the strongest chance to prevent Iran from acquiring a > nuclear weapon. With vigorous enforcement, unyielding verification, and > swift consequences for any violations, this deal will make the United > States, Israel, our Arab partners, and the region safer and more secure > than if there were no agreement. > > At the same time, there are aspects of the agreement that > are a cause for concern, and a basis for special diligence. has not been > required to answer questions about the Possible Military > Dimensions (PMD), including allowing the IAEA to inspect sites, interview > key scientists and officials, and review documents that would > shed light on their past and current PMD activities. In addition, clarity > is required on what limits are imposed during the term of the agreement > and thereafter to preclude Iran’s work on advanced centrifuges. It is also > critical that sanctions relief must come only when Iran has demonstrates to > the satisfaction of the IAEA that they have complied with their > obligations. Sanctions for terrorism and other non-nuclear sanctions must > remain in place. I I want to make sure as > President that any violation of the agreement by Iran would trigger a > reimposition of sanctions, without an Iranian veto over the findings, and > in ways that assure the US can act if we feel there is a violation. Most > important is monitoring and verification. The IAEA inspectors must have > timely and effective access to all sites in Iran, including military > sites. It is unclear if this is the case. > > Despite these concerns, it is critical in assessing this agreement to > ask what alternatives exist. We already have in place the most effective, > broad-based sanctions ever imposed on a country in peacetime. While they > have brought Iran to the negotiating table, they have not stopped the > continued expansion of their nuclear program. It is difficult to see what > other sanctions would lead to greater Iranian concessions. Without an > agreement, there would be no two-thirds reduction in their number of > centrifuges; no dismantlement of their plutonium plant at Arak; no 24/IAEA > inspections; no dilution of their 20% enriched uranium. Their capacity to > “break-out: would be far more likely without this agreement, than with it. > We also have to consider it we could maintain the partnership with the > European Union, which has made the sanctions most effective. > > Today’s agreement is the culmination of an effective strategy executed > over many years. By the end of the Bush administration, Iran was rapidly > expanding its nuclear centrifuge capacity despite unilateral American > sanctions and ineffective saber rattling. The Obama administration took a > different approach, working with Congress and our allies and partners > around the world. As Secretary of State, I logged tens of thousands of > miles and twisted a lot of arms – especially in Moscow and Beijing – to > build a global coalition to impose the most crippling sanctions in history > against Tehran. That unprecedented pressure shattered Iran’s economy, > halted the progress of its nuclear program (NB. BE CAREFUL THEY HAVE > SUBSTANTIALLY INCREASED THE NUMBER OF CENTRIFUGES AND AMOUNT OF ENRICHED > URANIUM SINCE OBAMA TOOK OFFICE), and forced its leaders to the table to > negotiate a deal that puts a nuclear weapon out of reach. > > As President, I will use every tool in our arsenal to compel rigorous > Iranian compliance. The response to any violation will be clear, > immediate, and devastating -- starting with the return of sanctions but > taking no options off the table, including, if necessary, the use of > force. The message to Iran must be loud and clear: We will never allow you > to acquire a nuclear weapon; we will never allow you permit you to > produce sufficient fissile material or otherwise acquire it, sufficient for > a nuclear weapons; not just during the term of this agreement – never. > > Going forward, we have to be clear-eyed when it comes to the broader > threat Iran represents. Even with an agreement that limits its nuclear > ambitions, Iran still poses a direct challenge to the United States and our > allies, especially Israel. The funds it will receive with sanctions > relief will provide billions of dollars more for Iran to use to support > terrorism. It continues to destabilize countries from Yemen to Lebanon, > while exacerbating conflict in Syria. And it fuels terrorism throughout the > region and beyond, including through direct support to Hamas and > Hizballah. We have to aggressively oppose and raise the costs for Iran’s > destabilizing activities, insist on the return of U.S. citizens being held > by the Iranian government, and strengthen cooperation with our allies and > partners. This agreement under my Administration will not see this > agreement as the beginning of an American-Iranian partnership. Our allies > in the Middle East deserve to have this assurance, and they will have it if > I am elected President. > > Israel should be confident that now and in a Hillary Clinton > Administration, the United States will always defend its security and > ensure its military edge in the region. Our two countries have to be on > the same page when it comes to the threat posed by Iran, so I would invite > the senior Israeli leadership to Washington for early talks on further > strengthening our crucial alliance. I will provide Israel with all the > military means it requires to defend itself against an Iranian threat, and > support its actions to defend itself. We should also deepen our security > relationship with Arab partners who are threatened by Iran’s ambitions. > > Ultimately, this agreement is the best way to protect our country and > our allies. To walk away from a deal that will stop Iran from getting a > nuclear weapon, or to bomb Iran as long an agreement offers an > alternative, [as some Republican candidates for President suggest,] would > be both dangerous and shortsighted – fracturing our global coalition, > raising the risk of regional war, and ultimately bringing Iran closer to a > nuclear weapon. > > > > So we should proceed with wisdom and strength in implementing a deal born > out of effective diplomacy and strong American leadership. > > > > ** >