📄 Extracted Text (1,767 words)
Larry:
There are substantial problems with your drafts of the Transition and
Release Agreement and the Severance, Waiver and Release Agreement Because the
provisions of the Severance Agreement are needlessly duplicative of and nearly
identical to the provisions of the Transition Agreement, I will focus on the more
egregious problems with the Transition Agreement
1. The Transition Agreement is drafted so that the Company is entering into the
Agreement on behalf Bill and Melinda and the Company's managers. This makes
absolutely no sense whatsoever. A limited liability company can't bind individuals.
To even suggest that Boris would not require a release and non-disparagement
agreement signed by Melinda, herself, for example, is simply ridiculous.
2. The Transition Agreement is absurdly one-sided. Boris is required to make
endless representations, warranties and covenants which are not similarly required
of Bill, Melinda, and the Foundation, who are not signatories to the Agreement, or
even of the Company, which is. Even in the limited cases where some minimal
reciprocal undertaking is provided by the Company, the Company's obligations
under the Agreement are minimal and provide no meaningful protection to Boris,
especially when compared to the impossibly draconian undertakings required of
him. Given that both the limited release granted to Boris and Boris's so called
"severance benefits" are made subject to his compliance with the Transition
Agreement's multitude of overly expansive representations and warranties and
impossible covenants, with virtually no protections in return, it is preposterous to
expect that Boris would be willing to enter into this Agreement in its present form.
3. As woefully inadequate "consideration" for the one-sided and oppressive
burdens to be imposed on Boris under the current draft of the Transition
Agreement, the few "benefits" that the Transition Agreement confers on Boris are
illusory at best:
• Section 1 of the Transition Agreement claims to change the nature of
Boris's employment from "at-will" employment to employment for a
term ending on July 1, 2014. However, Section 1 also provides that the
Company "may choose (or decide) to have Dr. Nikolic stop performing
services prior to July 1, 2014," and provides no limitation whatsoever on
the Company's ability to do so. Clearly, despite Section l's stated changes,
the nature of Boris's employment effectively remains "at-will".
• The limited release granted to Boris under Section 2.1b and the non-
disparagement benefits under Section 4.3b are meaningless, as the
Company has no ability whatsoever to release claims or make non-
disparagement agreements on behalf of Bill, Melinda or the Company's
managers.
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• Moreover, Section 2.1b of the Transition Agreement will permit the
Company to avoid the release altogether pursuant to the express
exclusion from the release for any "affirmative misconduct" (whatever
that means) by Boris of which the Company was unaware at signing.
Thus, the Company would have the ability at any time to vitiate Boris's
release simply by asserting some claim of misconduct by Boris. It is
laughable to think that anyone could derive any comfort from or be
satisfied with such an aggressively lopsided mutual release.
• Boris's entitlement to the severance benefits provided in Section 6 of the
Transition Agreement, which benefits still remain largely undefined and
tentative as a result of the missing terms and bracketed language in your
drafts, is subject to the express condition that "Dr. Nikolic performs his
duties in a manner satisfactory to the Company through the
Separation Date." This clause is entirely open-ended, giving the Company
complete and unfettered discretion to avoid any severance obligations
whenever it chooses to do so.
4. Just to give a few additional examples of the ill-considered and outrageous
provisions in your drafts:
• Throughout the Transition Agreement the defined term "Released Party" is
used in a number of important contexts, including Boris's grant of a general
release in favor of the Released Parties in Section 2.1, Boris's obligation not to
disparage a Released Party in Section 4.3 and Boris's obligation in Section 3 to
return or destroy property received or taken from or given access to by a
Released Party. Despite its obvious importance in the Transition Agreement,
the term "Released Party" is carelessly defined to include "present, former and
future affiliates, related entities (including without limitation any other entities
owned or controlled by William H. Gates HI), predecessors, successors and
assigns," which has created a number of obvious and frankly silly interpretative
consequences. For example, what is meant by a "former predecessor"?
Additionally, how is it even possible to apply these obligations to "future
affiliates" or "future related entities"? How can Boris be expected to release
or to refrain from disparaging an unnamed person or entity whose affiliation or
relationship with Bill is not yet established and will not be established until
some undefined time in the future? In addition, by virtue of this overreaching
and silly definition, Boris has an obligation to return or destroy property or
information that Boris might receive from some now unnamed person or entity
without any current relationship to Bill, but who may become affiliated with
Bill at some future time, well after Boris received the property or information.
Obviously, there are a multitude of ludicrous interpretative permutations in
attempting apply these obligations to "future" persons and entities, all of which
could and should have been avoided with a more thoughtful and reasonable
approach.
• In Section 3 of the Transition Agreement, Boris is required on demand and at
the end of his employment to return or destroy any property or information
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acquired during the course of his employment, without any thought
whatsoever given in Section 3 to any record keeping requirements that Boris
may have. Does it may any sense that Boris would have to delete emails and
records that he may require for his taxes? To give a sense of how absurd these
provisions really are, as drafted, Section 3 would even require Boris to destroy
his own W-2s or return them to the Company.
• In Section 4.1 of the Transition Agreement, Boris is subject to all the
restrictive covenants he made during his history with the organization, while
neither the Company, the Foundation, nor Bill and Melinda are subject to any
restrictive covenants.
• Boris is subject to impossibly expansive, overreaching and unworkable non-
disclosure provisions in Sections 4.1a and 4.2 of the Transition Agreement,
while neither the Company, the Foundation nor Bill and Melinda are subject to
any.
• The non-disclosure obligations imposed on Boris are so expansive as to make
it impossible for Boris to even perform his duties during the final term of his
employment without risking a violation and the resulting forfeiture of his so
called "severance rights." For example, the provision in Section 4.2 designating
as Confidential Information "(d) the subject matter of the communications
between Dr. Nikolic or others and Company, the Bill & Melinda Gates
Foundation or the Individuals," literally encompasses absolutely anything that
these people talked about, whether or not related to the Gates organization and
whether or not related to anything that might be deemed confidential at all.
The non-disclosure provisions lack even the basic standard carve-outs for non-
confidential information, assuring that the Company has the ability to assert a
violation by Boris, and avoid its obligations in the process, whenever it
chooses to do so.
• Additionally, the provisions in Section 4.2 that "No Confidential Information
or Confidential Materials shall be used by Dr. Nikolic except as expressly
authorized by the Company" and that "Dr. Nikolic shall not disclose or permit
the disclosure of any Confidential Information or Confidential Materials to any
third party without Company's explicit written approval in advance of any such
disclosure" are simply unworkable and would as a practical matter require
Boris to seek permission from the Company each and every time he engaged in
any employment task. It would also prevent Boris from being able to confer
with his own professional advisors, engage in or respond to discovery in any
proceedings that may arise, respond to inquiries by Government authorities, or
even to comply with applicable laws should it ever become necessary to do so.
• As yet another example of the overly aggressive and careless approach
exhibited throughout the Transition Agreement, in Section 4.2 of the
Transition Agreement, "Confidential Information" is defined to include "all
information . . . in any way related to . . . friends, guests . . . or acquaintances"
of Bill and Melinda. By virtue of this definition, Boris could be found to
violate his obligations to Bill (and thereby forefeit his right to severance
benefits), if, without the Company's approval, Boris uses or makes any
disclosure of any information relating to a person who turns out to be a one
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time guest, or a friend or acquaintance of Bill or Melinda (whatever it means to
be a "guest", "friend" or "acquaintance"), even if Boris did not know of this
relationship, even if the information was not learned by Boris in connection
with Boris's employment and even if the information has no relation
whatsoever to Bill, Melinda, the Company or their affiliates. The absurdity of
that proposition speaks for itself.
5. Also particularly outrageous are the "mutual releases" provided in Section 2.1 of
the Transition Agreement. In Section 2.1a, Boris is required to waive all claims against
and give a general release to all named and unnamed persons and entities now or hereafter
affiliated with the Company, the Foundation and Bill and Melinda for anything whatsoever
that may have occurred through the date of the Transition Agreement, whether or not
even related to Boris's work for Bill. On the other hand, the Company, purporting to act
for its managers and Bill and Melinda (which, as discussed, is obviously impossible), is
undertaking to grant to Boris only a very narrow limited release only for acts or omissions
during the course of Boris's employment. And, incredibly, as I previously stated, even
that narrow release is subject to an ambiguous exclusion for any "affirmative misconduct"
by Boris that the Company can claim it did not know about prior to signing. On the other
hand, the far-reaching, all encompassing general release in favor of the Company, the
Foundation, Bill and Melinda and their named and unnamed affiliates has no exclusion
whatsoever, whether or not Boris subsequently learns of any "affirmative misconduct" by
any of the persons Boris released.
These are but a few examples of the many problems created by your drafts. A
complete mark-up can be provided once the major problems are resolved and a more
reasonable and workable draft is presented.
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