podesta_email_13774.txt

podesta-emails 924 words email

V11 V16 P19

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asked for Steve's input. I told him the memo was for his and Susan's eyes only. ---------- Forwarded message ---------- From: Steve Phillips <[email protected]> Date: Sep 24, 2007 6:31 PM Subject: Memo To: Herb Sandler <[email protected]> Cc: Susan Sandler <[email protected]> From my preliminary review of the memo, I have three observations to make (well, actually four, with governance of the whole project being the fourth, but we should discuss that on the phone). DISCONNECT OF MESSAGING AND MOBILIZATION The biggest concern I have is the seemingly total disconnect between the Voter Contact/Mobilization section and the Messaging section. Mobilization does not occur in a vacuum, and effective and strategic messaging can play a big role in mobilizing the targeted constituencies identified in the memo. The massive immigration marches and the recent mass mobilization to Jena, Louisiana did not come about primarily through direct voter contact and organizing; they occurred because mass communication channels (ethnic-specific radio, for the most part, augmented by blogs and text-messaging) conveyed specific messages that framed the issues, touched people deeply, and moved them to action. The way the memo is drafted now, it looks like ACORN, US Action and some others will go door-to-door, and then Wes Boyd or the Hollywood folks will come up with the mass media. Almost by definition, then, the media and messaging will not be tailored to or effective with the base constituencies. These two areas must be much more closely intertwined, and the folks on the ground need to have input into the media because they're the ones taking the pulse of the community. LATINOS The memo correctly points out that prioritizing reaching Latino voters should be a "top priority." Overall, the existing infrastructure is quite weak in the Latino community, especially when it comes to large-scale organizations. The We Are America coalition, however, does show significant promise from everything I hear and could emerge as a significant vehicle for mobilizing this community. It has a cross-section of community-based groups as well as labor, and they are all at the table trying to work together. Much as Los Angeles has changed the face of local politics through a Latino-led labor and community coalition, We Are America could emerge as such a force with sufficient resources and the right leadership. AFRICAN AMERICANS This is the area of greatest weakness, and it's somewhat of a national quandry at the moment. We are locked in a vicious cycle of limited existing capacity among the national groups, a reluctance of funders to publicly acknowledge that lack of capacity, and a regular allocation of electoral funding that bypasses the existing groups (NAACP, National Coalition for Black Civic Participation) which, while understandable in the short term, simply perpetuates the problem in the long run. While We Are America shows promise in the Latino area, THERE ARE NO CLEAR OPTIONS IN THE AFRICAN AMERICAN COMMUNITY. This problem is additionally acute given the possibility of bringing at least three or four Southern states (Mississippi, Georgia, South Carolina, and Virginia) into play if Obama does win the nomination. The best and most rigorous operation in the Black community is Anthony Thigpenn's PushBack Network which is building on the excellent and effective work he's done in Los Angeles to nurture community-based and highly-disciplined electoral programs in New York, Mississippi, Kentucky, and a few other states. This operation is not yet at scale, but it would be worth exploring how to help it get to scale or at least solidify its funding. It's my understanding that OSI is giving them a significant grant. My best thinking, after a couple years of traveling the country and meeting with all manner of activists, is that someone has to develop and invest in a sustained leadership and capacity-building project in the African American community. If it's just left to who has capacity each cycle, then there will never come a cycle where there is capacity. I would look at a very rigorous and numbers-based program that gives limited amounts to existing groups such as NAACP and also has an intensive training and development component. That way, the numbers can identify who has potential and talent, while making sure that a cohort of effective, young organizers is developed. I think that Anthony Thigpenn could oversee such an effort if he had sufficient administrative support to cover his existing work in LA and California. Anthony has nurtured a very, very impressive network of organizers who have gone on to go great work in Oakland, New York (NY Jobs with Justice), and D.C. (national Jobs with Justice). There might be a better way to configure such a program, but something has to be done to break out of this cycle, and someone has to take leadership on a sustained capacity-building effort that transcends any particular election. Those are my thoughts for the moment, and I may have more when I've had a chance to read the memo in greater detail. Steve