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From: "Bill Siegel"
To: "Bill Siegel" <E >
Subject: A Path to Information
Date: Mon, 08 Apr 2013 18:44:48 +0000
Bill Siegel thought you might find this of interest:
Opinion: Path to information first
By William D. Siegel - 04/08/13 05:00 AM ET
Recent congressional actions - ObamaCare, TARP, economic stimulus, the GM bailout, among others — have
surely taught us that we suffer when we do not know the facts that should be the foundation of good and
productive legislation.
The recent Senate Gang of Eight immigration plan has highlighted that even "border security" is not properly
understood, much less coherently defined. However, another leg of immigration reform — the nature and
treatment of the illegal/undocumented immigrant population in the U.S. - is even less-known. While sweeping
proposals concerning this shadow population have been jawboned for decades, tautologically, we are in the
dark.
The number 11 million (down from a previously fantasized 12 million) is often bandied about without any
credible basis. Instead, a number is insinuated by one or more "authorities" and taken as fact and repeated
without question.
Studies that attempt to estimate our homeless population are notoriously disputed and arrive at grossly varying
conclusions. Methodologies for estimating the shadow population of illegal/undocumented are, by definition,
even more dubious. Results can only be more questionable as innumerable unfounded assumptions about the
group's makeup are added.
Instead of guesswork, Congress should consider an interim approach to get the facts before it crafts
comprehensive legislation. It should qualify a new class of immigrants — let's call them "Q-Is"— who, within
six months of the law's enactment, come out of the shadows and truthfully file information that will enable us to
understand them.
This would include facts about their entry into the country, job history, race, religion, likelihood of assimilation,
taxes paid and unpaid, health data, family members here or looking to enter, and so forth. In exchange for
truthfully coming forth, these Q-1s will be immune from prosecution for their illegal entry pending a
comprehensive reform. This may be considered a temporary, conditional amnesty by some, a start down the road
to resolution by others.
Proactively creating this group would accomplish much. First, it would allow lawmakers to more fully
understand the population they seek to address. Presumably, a different treatment would, and should, be afforded
a group of 4 million than one of 11 million or even 25 million. Similarly, specific age dispersion, health status
and education levels should command more cost-efficient and better targeted features in any final legislation.
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The Q-1 filing would give the illegaUundocumented greater responsibility for deciding his future by requiring
him to make a critical choice: whether to cooperate with Congress or to again evade laws and stay in the
shadows. The population afforded any benefits is self-determined; those who receive benefits are those who
helped. While their coming forward won't assuage the anger of all citizens who wish to see existing laws fully
enforced, it would give the Q-1 deserved recognition for courageously acting first.
Further, once the Q-1 group has been capped, there is no excuse for any illegal presence (other than failed border
security). Having now violated our laws at least twice, the non-Q-1 should logically lose any legitimate claim on
victimhood. Furthermore, no one has asserted that the country owes a future illegal entrant anything. From this
point on, if an illegal/undocumented is not a Q-1, compassion ceases as an excuse for not diligently enforcing
our laws.
Heading down this road also promotes more bipartisan cooperation. Currently, the debate has been paralyzed
because of vastly different narratives describing the population. To over-generalize, the left paints a picture of
oppressed victims — hard workers who came to work in the shadows, are taken advantage of by greedy
employers and denied basic "rights" that must be remedied through some fast track to citizenship.
The right, alternatively, tends to subordinate any consideration of the nature of the population to its obvious lack
of respect for the law. Establishing a Q-I population creates one well-understood group, narrowing points of
difference between the sides.
Additionally, nothing prohibits a simultaneous negotiation in Congress for comprehensive legislation. And,
because the group has in good faith transformed itself from passive illegal entrants to active participants in their
destiny, more legislators will feel pressured to move toward resolution.
Various political considerations have encouraged inaction and paralysis. Some on the left, for example, prefer to
hold onto the "protector of the oppressed" stature, knowing that Latinos may favor conservatives once the issue
is resolved. Some on the right believe anything remotely resembling amnesty will only hurt candidates. This
interim proposal should peel off many who hold fast to these notions.
Ultimately, it should be much easier to negotiate whether final amnesty, deportation, a guest-worker program, a
path to citizenship, a specialized status, or even a simple change to NAFTA permitting workers to freely work
throughout North America should apply and how.
It should be much easier to assess the real future costs of benefits, prospective tax revenues, effects on our labor
and capital markets, the real burdens to be borne by the Q-I population, and whether the group will easily
assimilate or (as with, for example, Hispanic La Raza or certain Muslim communities) generate political
tensions. It should be easier to engineer a policy that emphasizes desirable, pro-innovative, legal immigration.
Finally, it should be much easier to focus upon true border security.
Alternatively, Congress can choose to generate out of its ignorance another unsatisfactory piece of legislation.
William D. Siegel is a former executive. He is currently a trustee of the Hudson Institute.
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