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ANO APIIL1AttO l'ARTROSHIPS
To al Facsimile:
O..MM
Fis
June 19, 2008
Principal Associate Deputy Attorney General
Office of the Deputy Attorney General
Dear Mr. Roth:
I again want to thank you for this opportunity to explain why we believe that a federal
prosecution of Jeffrey Epstein is unwarranted. I appreciate your having informed us that you
already have our May 19 and May 27 communications to the Deputy Attorney General, as well
as our prior written submissions to CEOS and to the Southern District of Florida.
In light of the significant volume of our prior submissions and to facilitate your review,
we have drafted four supplemental submissions that will provide a roadmap for your
investigation of this matter. Given the bulk of these documents and their appended supporting
attachments, you will receive this packet by messenger tomorrow. A brief description of each of
the four submissions follows. First, I have included a succinct summary of the facts, law and
policy issues at hand. This document sets forth a basic overview of the issues and summarizes
our principal contentions as to why federal prosecution of this matter is neither appropriate nor
warranted.
The three other submissions include: a summary of the irregularities and misconduct that
occurred during the federal investigation; a letter from former CEOS attorney Stephanie Thacker
that responds to CEOS's assessment of its limited review of Mr. E stein's case; and a point-by-
point rebuttal to First Assistant United States Attorney recent letter which we
believe contains factual inaccuracies typical of our correspondence from the United States
Attorney's Office in Miami (the "USAO"). Also, for your reference, the package you receive
tomorrow will contain a binder including all documentation to which we refer in our
submissions. Finally, we will be providing a detailed checklist of each submission or substantive
communication to the USAO. Our intention is that you have copies of each such document to
enhance your review. If there arc any that you have not received from the USAO or CEOS,
please advise and we will fedex them to you without delay.
Chicago Hong Kong London Munich Now York San Francisco Washington,.
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As you are likely aware, the Department's prior review of this matter was incomplete
and, by its own admission, not "dc novo." See Tab 38, May 15, 2008 Letter from
Without considering the Non Prosecution Agreement that left this matter to be resolved in the
State or any of the misconduct, CEOS reviewers, tasked with reviewing some of their own
previously expressed opinions, assessed only whether the United States Attorney would "abuse
[his] discretion" if he pursued this case. While we appreciate CEOS's willingness to examine
these limited issues, its conclusion that a prosecution would not be an "abuse of discretion" rings
particularly hollow in light of CEOS's admirably candid concessions that we have raised
"compelling" objections and that a prosecution on these facts would require "novel" applications
of federal law. Indeed, even a brief review of CEOS's own mission statement reveals how
inapposite a federal prosecution is to the facts in this case.
Importantly, we note that the CEOS review was conducted prior to the Supreme Court's
very recent decisions in Santos and Cuellar, which we believe—illuminating as they do the
Court's interpretive methodology when it comes to federal criminal law—powerfully
demonstrate the substantive vulnerability of the USAO's unprecedented employment of three
federal laws. That Office's interpretation would never pass muster under the Supreme Court's
recent pronouncements and should not be countenanced. That is all the more true under the
circumstances where the duly appointed U.S. Attorney opined that, in effect, the "unitary"
Executive Branch was driving this prosecution. We now know that is not so.
What I respectfully request, and what I hope you will provide, is a truly "de novo"
review—that is, an independent assessment of whether federal prosecution of Mr. Epstein is both
nertcruy and warranted in view of the legal and evidentiary hurdles that have been identified,
the existence of a State felony plea and sentence that have been advocated by the State Attorney
for Palm Beach County, and the many issues of prosecutorial misconduct and overzealousness
that have permeated the investigation. i also request that you provide us with the opportunity
during your review to meet with you in person to answer any questions you may have and to
elucidate some of the issues in our submission.
We believe that an independent review will confirm our strong belief that federal
prosecutors would be required to stretch the plain meaning of each clement of the enumerated
statutes, and then to combine these distorted elements in a tenuous chain, in order to convict Mr.
Epstein. Indeed, just this week and after two years of federal involvement in this matter),
Assistant United States Attorney re-initiated the federal grand jury investigation—in
direct contravention of the parties' Non Prosecution Agreement— another
subpoena seekin evidence in this ' 19, Subpoena to In the
subpoena, directs to appear on July 1, 2008 to give testimony
and produce documents to EGJ 07-103 West Palm Beach. The attachment to the subpoena seeks
documents such as photographs, emails, telephone billing information, and contact information
that relate to Mr. Epstein as well as specific other people who received protection from federal
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prosecution as a result of Mr. Epstein's having entered into the September 24, 2007 Non
Prosecution Agreement with the USAO.
Notably, the Non Prosecution Agreement contains the following agreed condition:
Further, upon execution of this agreement and a plea agreement with the State Attorney's Office,
the federal Grand Jury investigation will be suspended and all pending federal Grand Jury
subpoenas will be held in abeyance unless and until the defendant violates any term of this
agreement. The defendant likewise agrees to withdraw his pending motion to intervene and to
quash certain grand jury subpoenas.
See Tab 2], September 24, 2007 Non Prosecution A ement. It alsoguarantees that persons
identified in the Grand Jury subpoena such as , and Leslie Groff
and others will not be prosecuted. The new Grand Jury subpoena clearly violates the Non-
Prosecution Agreement. Although Mr. Epstein has exercised his rights to appeal to the
Department of Justice with the full consent and knowledge of the USAO, he has not breached the
Agreement. The re-commencing of the Grand Jury is in violation of the Agreement.
But further, the new investigation, which features a wide-ranging, fishing-expedition type
to search in New York does nothing to satisfy the very essential elements of federal statutes that
are lacking despite the intensity of an over two-year investigation in the Palm Beach area.
Absent evidence of Internet luring, inducements while using the phone, travel for the purpose,
fraud or coercion, the subject of the New York investigation is as lacking in the essential basis
for converting a state case into a federal case as is the remainder of the Florida investigation.
The reaching out to New York to fill the void emanating from the failures of the Florida
investigation compellingly demonstrates the misuse of federal resources in an overzealous, over-
personalized, selective and extraordi attempt to expand federal law to where it is has never
gone. This last-ditch attempt by na reinforces our belief that the L'SAO does not have
facts that, without distortion, would justify a prosecution of Mr. Epstein.
In view of the prosecution's often-verbalized desire to punish Mr. Epstein, we believe
that the prosecution summary suffers from critical inaccuracies and aggregates the expected
testimony of witnesses so as to reach a conclusion of guilt. Our contention is reinforced by the
fact that key prosecution witnesses have provided evidence and testimony that directly
undermines the prosecution's misleading and inaccurate summary of its case. Indeed, we now
have received statements from three of the principal accuser (through a state
criminal deposition through a federal FBI- sworn and transcribed
interview), and (through a defense—generated sworn transcribed interview).
Each of these witnesses categorically denies each essential element that the prosecution will have
to prove in order to convert this quintessential state-law case into a federal matter.
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It thus is especially troubling that the USAO has not provided us with the transcript of
federal interview, nor the substance of the interviews with or M.
nor any information generated by interviews with any of the approximately 40 alleged
witnesses that the prosecution claims it has identified. Because the information provided by
these women goes directly to the question of Mr. Epstein's guilt or innocence, it is classic Brady
information. We understand that the U.S. Attorney might not want to disclose impeachment
information about their witnesses prior to a charge or during plea negotiations. But we firmly
believe that whcn the Government possesses information that goes directly to a target's factual
guilt or innocence, the target should be informed about such heartland exculpatory evidence.
Most importantly, aside from whether the Department believes Brady obligates
disclosure to a target of a federal investigation prior to the target's formal accusation, no such
limit should apply to a Department review. Accordingly, we request that you go beneath the face
of any summary provided to you by the USAO and instead review the actual witness transcripts
and FBI 302s, which arc essential for you to be able to make a truly independent assessment of
the strength and wisdom of any federal prosecution.
After careful consideration of the record, and as much as it pains me to say this, I simply
do not believe federal prosecutors would have been involved at all in this matter if not for Mr.
Epstein's personal wealth and publicly-reported ties to former President Bill Clinton. A simple
Internet search on Mr. Epstein reveals myriad articles and news stories about the former
President's personal relationship with Mr. Epstein, including multi-page stories in New York
Magazine and Vanity Fair. Mr. Epstein, in fact, only came to the public's attention a few years
ago when he and the former President traveled for a week to Africa (using Mr. Epstein's
airplane)—a trip that received a great deal of press coverage. I cannot imagine that the USAO
ever would have contemplated a prosecution in this case if Mr. Epstein lacked this type of
notoriety.
That belief has been reinforced by the significant prosecutorial impropriety and
misconduct throughout the course of this matter. While we describe the majority of these
irregularities in another submission, two instances arc particularly troubling. First, the USAO
authorized the public disclosure of specific details of the open investigation to the New York
Times—including descriptions of the prosecution's then of the case and specific terms of a plea
negotiation between the parties. Second, attempted to enrich friends and close
acquaintances by bringing thcm business in connection with this matter. Specifically, she
attempted to appoint a close personal friend of her live-in boyfriend to serve as an attorney-
representative for the women involved in this case.
It also bears mentioning that actions taken b present an appearance of
impropriety that gives us cause for concern. former law partner is currently
pursuing a handful of $50-million lawsuits against Mr. Epstein by some of the masseuses.
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Finally, as you know, Mr. Epstein and the USAO entered into an agreement that deferred
prosecution to the State. In this regard I sim I note that the manner in which this agreement
was negotiated contrasts sharply with current representation that "IVhe SDF1,
indicated a willin ne fer to the State the length ofincarceration . . . " See Tab 1 a 1
2008 Letter from p. 2. This statement is simply not true. Contrary to
assertion, federal prosecutors refused to accept what the State believed to be appropriate as to
Mr. Epstein's sentence and instead, insisted that Mr. Epstein be required serve a two-year term of
imprisonment (which they later decreased to 18 months plus one year of house arrest). Federal
prosecutors have not only involved themselves in what is quintessentially a state matter, but their
actions have caused a critical appearance of impropriety that raises doubt as to their motivation
for investigating and prosecuting Mr. Epstein in the first place.
At bottom, we appreciate your willingness to review this matter with a fresh—and
independent—set of eyes. To facilitate your review, I once again request the opportunity to
make an oral presentation to supplement our written submissions, and we will promptly respond
to any inquiries you may have.
Y sine ly,
cc: Deputy Attorney General
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LAW OFFICES
ALLEN GUTHRIN: MCHUGH & THOMAS, PLLC
GEORGE 43.GUIRRE
ROSERT e. PALEN
RFJXCCA A. SETTS
R. IERRAKE ROCOERS
CANSO IS THOMAS
ONES S. ARNO°
DAVOS HARDY TELEPHONE
Mt SCOTT WCKLINE
PANELS I. CANINO
PAMELA C. CON FACSRA.MIMI
PINUP .S
STEPKOIETTHACKER
DREAMT J. ANN WRITER'S DIRECT ORR
TERESA K. INOWSON
DEBRA C PINCE
040STOPI:ALANOlD
CHRISTOPHER PENCE
PETER O.
rADEARY e.MoVEY
June 19, 2008
CS COUNSEL
DOWSE MOIJCH
Mr.
Senior Associate Deputy Attorney General
Office of the Deputy Attorney General
United States Department of Justice
Dear Mr. Roth:
1 write to offer my reaction to the May 15, 2008 correspondence from the United States
Department of Justice Child Exploitation and Obscenity Section ("CEOS") regarding the federal
investigation of Jeffrey Epstein by the United States Attorney's Office for the Southern District of
Florida ("USAO").' I will refrain from recounting Mr. Epstein's arguments in detail here, but,
rather, will highlight salient points responsive to the CEOS letter.
In particular, I write from a background well familiar with child exploitation cases and
victim/witness issues. As the CEOS letter points out (CEOS letter at p. 3), I was a member of
CEOS. In fact, I served as a federal prosecutor for twelve years; five years as an Assistant United
States Attorney for the Southern District of West Virginia, and seven years at CEOS. I began
working as a trial attorney for CEOS in 1999, and was promoted to Deputy Chief for Litigation in
2002, and ultimately to Principal Deputy Chief for the Section in 2004.
As those who have worked with me know, I have a history of working diligently on behalf of
victims of crime. While at the United States Attorney's Office for the Southern District of West
Virginia, I was a part of the prosecution team that prosecuted the first case in the country under the
federal Violence Against Women Act. United States v. Bailey, 112 F.3d 758 (4th Cir.), cert denied,
522 U.S. 896 (1997). The case went to trial and the defendant was sentenced to life in prison. I also
spearheaded the domestic violence and federal criminal child support prosecution efforts for that
office, prosecuting some of the first cases in the country under the federal Child Support Recovery
1 Citations to the May IS, 2008 correspondence will be referenced herein as "CEOS letter at p. ."
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Act. Later, while at the Department of Justice, I co-authored the Department's Federal Child
Support Prosecution Handbook.
My work at CEOS permitted me to continue my efforts on behalf of vulnerable victims of
crime. While there, for example, I was part of the prosecution team in United States v. Dwight York,
428 F.3d 1325 (I I th Cir. 2005), cert denied, 548 U.S. 908 (2006). York was the leader of a pseudo
religious organization, and systematically molested countless children, some as young as six years
old. The case went to trial and York was sentenced to 135 years in prison. As part of that trial team,
I was awarded the Attorney General's Award for Distinguished Service. Additionally, at CEOS I
was one of the architects of the Innocence Lost Initiative, a nationwide initiative designed to combat
child prostitution. For this, I was awarded an Assistant Attorney General's Award for Outstanding
Victim/Witness Service. Likewise, I was awarded a subsequent Assistant Attorney General's Award
for Special Initiative in connection with a nationwide sex tourism prosecution initiative I helped to
develop.
I say all this not for any boastful purpose, but, rather, to make clear that I am fully cognizant
of victim issues, and that 1 am no pushover in terms of prosecution standards. I am also very well
aware of the good work of CEOS, and the outstanding credentials of those who toil in that office.
With all due respect to CEOS, however (and recognizing that their review of this case was
quite limited), given the facts and circumstances of this investigation, a federal prosecution ofMr.
Epstein simply should not be countenanced. In my view, such prosecution would be counter to the
important mandate of the Department of Justice as emblazoned on its seal, "Qui Pro DominaJustitia
Sequitur," referring to the Attorney General "who prosecutes on behalf of justice."
As you well know, it is fundamental to that mandate that, as the representative of the people
of the United States, the duty of a federal prosecutor is not simply to seek conviction as at any cost,
but, rather, to seek justice. Berger v. United States, 295 U.S. 78, 88 (1935). ("The United States
Attorney is the representative not of an ordinary party to a controversy, but of a sovereignty whose
obligation to govern impartially is as compelling as its obligation to govern at all.") While it is true
that Berger was decided at the post-trial, as opposed to the pre-indictment, stage of the case, the
bedrock principle contained in the above quote should transcend the entire investigation and
prosecution process. Indeed, it is arguably most imperative at the investigation stage, at which point
law enforcement is dealing with a presumptively innocent citizen.
In summary, we understand the allegations against Mr. Epstein to be that Mr. Epstein paid
individuals to find friends and acquaintances, certain of whom were under the age of IS, to provide
topless massages to him at his Palm Beach home in exchange for money. Mr. Epstein's assistants
allegedly scheduled these massages for him over the telephone at the direction of Mr. Epstein,
allegedly including some scheduling calls to underage women. However, the evidence contradicts
these allegations. First, Mr. Epstein did not ask that the masseuses be under the age of 18. To the
contrary, he specifically asked that they be 18 or older. As one witness commented, "Maid tell
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them you're 18 because if you're not, he won't let you in his house." at 38-39.
Second, Mr. Epstein himself did not schedule such appointments. Third, Mr. Epstein would not
know who would be providing a massage at any particular time. Fourth, and importantly, Mr.
Epstein's assistants were not directed to contact underage women, and were not aware of the true
ages of the women they contacted. In fact, more often than not, the masseuses themselves, or the
individuals who introduced the masseuses, made the initial contact. As a result, Mr. Epstein and his
assistants were routinely unaware of the identities of many of these young women before they
arrived.
The allegations further include the assertion that Mr. Epstein engaged in unlawful sexual
conduct with certain underage women who arrived at his house to provide a massage. At times,
during these massages, Mr. Epstein masturbated, engaged in some sexual touching, and a small
number of alleged acts of penetration. However, most of the women who perfonned massages on
Mr. Epstein were over the age of 18. Many of the young women have sworn under oath that they, in
fact, told Mr. Epstein that they were 18 or older, and that they did so because they knew that if they
were not 18 years old, they would not be allowed into Mr. Epstein's home. In fact, Mr. Epstein has
passed a polygra h examination to this effect relative to the government's primary, and youngest,
alleged victim, Indeed, many of the women also worked at local massage parlors,
which presumably had a requirement that the masseuse have reached the age of majority. To the
extent there are allegations that Mr. Epstein should have been alerted to certain underage women
based on conversations he allegedly had with them, those conversations would have taken place in
person and at his home, thereby precluding any prior scheduling with knowledge of their true ages.
As explained below, any factual allegations of repeat massages with such persons would lack
necessary elements required for a federal nexus to such conduct.
All of the alleged activity occurred in Mr. Epstein's home in Palm Beach, Florida. Manyof
the massages allegedly involved conduct which, even if engaged in, is not proscribed by federal law,
either because the masseuses were of age, or because conduct with underage masseuses only
involved topless massages, massages in undergarments or naked massages. To the extent prohibited
sexual activity occurred, any inducement, enticement, and/or persuasion used would have taken
place during a face-to-face encounter—thus eliminating the possibility for the commission of a
federal crime, which requires the existence of a communication through a facility of interstate
commerce in which the defendant persuades or entices the minor to engage in illegal sexual activity.
Furthermore, any prohibited sexual activity that did occur based on the facts on the record is best left
to the state to address because the facts of this case do not fall comfortably within the federal
domain.
This is a case about purely local activity, involving local actors, and affecting local
interests and thus, should be handled by local authorities. Nonetheless, the USAO has indicated
its intent to prosecute Mr. Epstein for purported violations of 18 U.S.C. §§ 2422, 2423, and
1591. However, as set forth in detail in prior submissions, the facts of this case fall squarely
outside the heartland of those statutes — in fact, in law, and in congressional intent. As their plain
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text and history indicate, these statutes were designed to address problems that are truly national
and international in scope: human trafficking in § 1591; telephone or Internet sexual predation in
§ 2422; and sex tourism in § 2423. Unlike the alleged conduct at issue here, those problems
unquestionably present multi jurisdictional obstacles that States and localities cannot confront
effectively on their own. Mr. Epstcin's conduct was purely local in nature, and the State of
Florida and Palm Beach County are effectively prosecuting and punishing that conduct.
Although CEOS asserts, "that a prosecution of Mr. Epstein might not look precisely like the
cases that came before it is not diapositive" (CEOS letter at p. 4), the fact is this case does not look
awaking like those cases. The facts here do not carry any of the hallmarks that typify an appropriate
federal prosecution for child exploitation as reflected in all such prior federal prosecutions.
Specifically, the facts here do not can' the hallmarks for a sex trafficking or child prostitution
prosecution. Mr. Epstein did not target minors. In fact, the evidence indicates just the opposite.
There was no travel in interstate commerce for the purpose of engaging in illicit sexual activity.
There was no prohibited use of a facility of interstate commerce. There was no commercial for profit
sexual enterprise. There was no force. There was no violence. There was no use of drugs or
alcohol. There was no child pornography.
18 U.S.C. § 1591 is clearly designed to combat organized rings of individuals who engage in
the business of human trafficking, involving both a commercial and coercive component. As
President Bush has noted:
generally speaking, trafficking in persons refers to actions, often including the use of
force, fraud or coercion, to compel someone into a situation in which he or she will
be exploited for sexual purposes, which could include prostitution or pornography, or
for labor without compensation, which could include forced or bonded labor . . .
trafficking in persons is often linked to organized crime, and the profits from
trafficking enterprises help fund other illegal activities. The growth of vast
transnational criminal networks supported in part by trafficking in persons fosters
official corruption and threatens the rule of law.2
This in no way describes the case here. Yet the USAO has been unwavering in its single
minded focus to stretch the limits of these federal statutes beyond their intended use, and beyond
precedent, in order to prosecute Mr. Epstein. As the CEOS letter acknowledges, the legal theories
the USAO intends to attempt to pursue against Mr. Epstein are "novel," having never before been
sanctioned by federal law. They should not be sanctioned now. As the Supreme Court recently
pronounced, when a statutory term in a criminal statute could support both a narrow or broad
application of the federal criminal law, "the tie must go to the defendant." United States v. Santos,
553 U.S. and Cuellar v. United States 553 U.S (June 2, 2008), Slip Op. at 6.
2 February 25, 2003 Trafficking in Persons National Security Presidential Directive.
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A full and fair review of the facts here is critical to this analysis. Yet, it is clear that CEOS
did not conduct such a review. In his recent letter to Jay Leflcowitz, First Assistant United States
Attorney ("FAUSA") confirmed our understanding that the USAO was to have
"facilitated" an "independent de novo review of the investigation" by the Department. (May 19,
2008 letter at p. 5). Yet, the CEOS review was not complete, and by its own terms not de
now.
As CEOS itself noted, "our review of this case is limited both factually and legally. We have
not looked at the entire universe of facts in this case. It is not the role of the Criminal Division to
conduct a complete factual inquiry from scratch." (CEOS letter at p. 1). Indeed, entire subject areas
relevant to the inquiry were not considered at all by CEOS. In essence, CEOS was only in a position
to make the most cursory possible review, an "abuse of discretion" review, without considering the
facts at the necessary level of detail, and without taking into account the many and varied issues of
misconduct we have raised in this case. As the CEOS letter indicates, "we did not review the facts,
circumstances, or terms included in the plea offer nor any allegations that individuals involved in the
investigation engaged in misconduct." (CEOS letter at p. 2). All of this begs the question — if it is
not CEOS' role to "conduct a complete factual inquiry," and CEOS did not consider any of the
allegations of misconduct here, which at the very least have created a strong appearance of
impropriety, and, at worst evidence an intent and effort to unfairly prejudice Mr. Epstein to the
financial benefit of the friends and colleagues of the prosecution team in the USAO, then where and
when can justice ever hope to be served in this case? This is a prosecution burden that cannot, and
should not, be brushed aside.
We contend the limited nature of the CEOS review deeply affected its conclusions. For
example, CEOS most likely did not review original documents, such as transcripts, and instead relied
on the summaries of federal prosecutors and FBI agents, against whom we have raised serious
concerns regarding misconduct. If the summary memos from the USAO are as flawed as other
USAO communications have been, and which we have been able to show are misleading and
inaccurate, the CEOS abuse of discretion review is likely flawed as well. Moreover, although the
USAO expected, and personally promised to us, an independent review, FAUSA letter also
makes clear that our pivotal legal challenge to the use of 18 U.S.C. § 2422(b) had already "been
previously raised and thoroughly considered and rejected by .. . CEOS prior to" the recent CEOS
review. (May 19, 2008 letter at p. 5). The fact that CEOS had to evaluate its own decision
with respect to some of the allegations against Mr. Epstein prevents its subsequent review and
opinion from being truly independent.
Following this most recent CEOS review "limited both factually and legally," and with no
citation to any case law relative to the statutes in question, CEOS concludes merely, "federal
prosecution in this case would not be improper or inappropriate (CEOS letter at p. 5);" in essence,
that the United States Attorney could bring this case in the exercise of his federal discretion should
he so choose ("we conclude that U.S. Attorney Acosta could properly use his discretion to authorize
prosecution in this case."). (CEOS letter at p. 2). However, CEOS drew the conclusion that the
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federal prosecution ofMr. Epstein would not be "improper or inappropriate" absent any review at all
of the misconduct here, and absent a full review of the facts and law. The facts, the law, and the
alleged misconduct are each necessarily inextricably intertwined with the question of whether or not
this is a viable federal prosecution. These imposed limits flawed the review from the outset. In any
event, CEOS concedes that the defense team makes "many compelling arguments." (CEO$ letter at
p. 5). In the end, then, one is left with the impression that the CEOS review and opinion, although
concluding that the USAO could push forward at its own discretion, is a much qualified one.
The federal prosecution of Mr. Epstein has been a moving target from the inception. Each
time the allegations, the witnesses or the applicable law is subject to a searching inquiry, we have
found that the allegations have been misrepresented, the law does not apply to the actual facts here,
and the USAO prosecution thcory falls apart. Yet, in the face of the voluminous evidence we have
submitted in this regard, while acknowledging that the theories are "novel," and that our arguments
against federal prosecution are "compelling," CEOS concluded, "Mr. Acosta could rightfully
conclude that this federal issue is best resolved by a jury" and that "the USAO has a good faith basis
to fully develop the facts on this issue and brief the law to permit a court to decide whether the law
appropriately reaches such conduct." With all due respect, and recognizing that CEOS may be — and
apparently was — limited in its authority, it should not be the prerogative of the prosecution arm of
the United States government to simply roll the dice, and let the court system just sort it out when
dealing with the life and liberty of a United States citizen. The Department of justice should not be
so cavalier when labeling someone as a child molester. While it may be within the discretion of the
USAO to do so, it is not in accord with the principles of justice.
Indeed, as noted, just a few weeks ago, the Supreme Court underscored this point in Santos
and Cuellar. The Court made clear that prosecutorial discretion does not provide the USAO cart
blanche to expand criminal statutes as they seek to do here with complete disregard for congressional
intent. The Court rejected speculation as a basis of determining the scope of a criminal statute;
"probability is not a guide which a court, in construing a penal statute, can safely take." Slip op. at 7,
quoting United States v. WiltberKer, 5 Wheat. 76,105 (1820). "We interpret ambiguous criminal
statutes in favor of defendants, not prosecutors." Slip op. at 12.
Based on my experience, I believe that the facts here do not warrant a federal child
exploitation prosecution. At its core, this case is quintessentially a state concern as opposed to
implicating any federal interest. Indeed, the Florida State Attorney's Office ("SAO"), led by the
chief of the Scx Crimes Division, thoroughly investigated this matter, and presented it to the grand
jury. The facts, as opposed to the deeply flawed press reports, were carefully assessed by
experienced State prosecutors who aggressively enforce State criminal laws. Following an extensive
15-month State investigation, Mr. Epstein was indicted by a State grand jury on a single felony count
of solicitation of prostitution.
During the investigation, the State prosecutor exhaustively reviewed the evidence, met face-
to-face with many of the alleged victims, considered their credibility — or lack thereof — and
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considered the extent of exculpatory evidence, including a psychosexual evaluation of Mr. Epstein
and a polygraph examination demonstrating that Mr. E stein genuinely believed at the time of the
alleged conduct that the State's key witness ) was over the age of IS. Then, after
months ofnegotiations, the State reached what it believed was an appropriate resolution of the case.
Importantly, this resolution was consistent with that of cases involving other defendants who had
engaged in similar conduct. Implementation of the State resolution of the case was held in abeyance,
however, due to the unexpected commencement of the successive federal criminal investigation.
While it is true, as CEOS points out, (CEOS letter at p. 3) that many criminal prosecutions
turn on issues of credibility of witnesses, to which many members of the defense team can attest
(having had decades of federal criminal litigation experience among us), this does not serve to divest
the prosecutor of his/her duty to make a searching inquiry of the facts before using the power of
prosecution, and the weight of the United States government, to level serious accusations. CEOS
likewise acknowledges as much, "the prosecutors are in the best position to assess the witnesses'
credibility." (CEOS letter at p. 3).
Since the CEOS letter also singles me out as someone who should be familiar with witness
issues, I feel compelled to note that, ofcourse, lam well aware that it is not uncommon for witnesses
to give conflicting statements. I am also fully aware that the credibility of key government witnesses
may be strongly impacted by the $50 million incentive provided via the civil lawsuits at play, and
encouraged by the overnment here. 3 I have also read many of the conflicts between witness
testimony and own rendition of that testimony in his reports and/or search
warrant affidavit. apparently formed a view early on as to the purported
criminality of Mr. Epstein's conduct regardless of the mountain of evidence to the contrary. For a
prosecutor that has had an opportunity to review the full facts, and to meet with the witnesses,
however, "conflicting statements" cross the line to a "lack ofcredibility" that simply can not sustain
a prosecution. That is where an appropriate application of prosecutorial discretion must be brought
to bear.
Again, CEOS was not itselfin the position to exercise such discretion. By its own admission,
CEOS did not make a full review of the witness statements here, and CEOS certainly did not sit
down across the table and speak to these witnesses. We understand that was apparently not its
perceived role. But, CEOS should recognize that at least one prosecutor in this case — the Chief of
the SAO Sex Crimes Division has done so. Lana Belohlavek not only met with and interviewed
these witnesses during the course of the 15-month state investigation prior to any federal
involvement, but she again sat across the table from many of them in connection with recent civil
3 It is important to note here that this investi ation was launched not u n the complaint of an alle ed victim, but,
rather, upon the complaint of father and her stepmother, More
Hardly pillars of credibility. Yet, the USAO did not supply this information to the
defense. Even more telling is the fact that filed a lawsuit purportedly on behalf of his
daughter without her authority or knowledge.
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depositions in this matter. Ms. Helohlavek, and the SAO, is likewise well familiar with the breadth
of the federal investigation, and has integrated that knowledge into the current enhanced state
sentencing recommendation. The SAO remains firm in the position that the proposed state resolution
is a sound one, and that there was no child exploitation here. Notably, however, not once during the
pendency of the federal investigation has the USA° ever reached out to its state prosecutive
counterpart that initiated this investigation in the first place to discuss the issues or to thoroughly
ferret out the facts or the witness credibility issues.
In the eight lines the CEOS letter accords to the topic of witness credibility CEOS asserts,
"there are multiple mutually-corroborating witnesses," (CEOS letter at p. 3). However, the CEOS
letter does not highlight a single one. In contrast, we have put forth numerous "mutually
corroborating" witness statements. Far from supporting a federal prosecution, these statements
instead corroborate that I) the alleged victims lied to Mr. Epstein about their age; 2) there was no use
ofa facility of interstate commerce by Mr. Epstein; 3) there was no inducement or coercion; 4) there
was no commercial enterprise; and 5) there was no illicit sexual conduct.
Indeed, Mr. Epstein took several steps to ensure that no minors entered his home most
notably, by affirmatively asking the women whether they were actually 18. age., At .
38-39. That fact — which many of the potential witnesses have confirmed in sworn interviews —
strongly indic
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