📄 Extracted Text (2,384 words)
[00:00:00] If more European countries decided to
[00:00:02] have their own nuclear weapons, it would
[00:00:04] be very interesting to see whether they
[00:00:06] have it as part of a collective security
[00:00:09] agreement or whether it would be to
[00:00:11] guarantee their own security. The whole
[00:00:14] command and control for the use of
[00:00:17] nuclear weapons would need to be
[00:00:18] political, not military. And who would
[00:00:21] have the say over those weapons, the
[00:00:22] country that developed them or would
[00:00:24] there be European command and control? I
[00:00:26] think that that would have to be
[00:00:27] resolved. But also I think you might see
[00:00:30] it a wider breakout uh to go beyond the
[00:00:33] nuclear non-prololiferation treaty. So
[00:00:36] countries whether it's Germany or
[00:00:38] Poland, Korea or Japan might also decide
[00:00:41] that they need nuclear weapons.
[00:00:43] >> When Russia could attack NATO, how
[00:00:45] European states could develop their own
[00:00:48] nuclear deterrent and is it true that
[00:00:50] Russia is capable of fighting endlessly?
[00:00:52] All of this I'm going to discuss with my
[00:00:54] wellrespected guest, major general and
[00:00:57] strategist Mik Ryan. Thank you for
[00:00:59] joining us, Mick.
[00:01:01] >> It's great to be with you.
[00:01:03] >> The report of the 2026 Munich Security
[00:01:06] Conference uh stated that Russia is
[00:01:09] actively preparing for new conflicts in
[00:01:11] Europe and the era of the American
[00:01:14] security umbrella is coming to an end.
[00:01:17] And uh at the same time the Kremlin is
[00:01:19] significant significantly increasing
[00:01:21] military spending and continuing its
[00:01:24] aggressive foreign policy. U I would
[00:01:27] like to ask you how do you assess
[00:01:28] chances of Russian attack on NATO in a
[00:01:30] shortterm perspective and how this
[00:01:33] attack could look like?
[00:01:35] >> Well, I think a conventional attack by
[00:01:37] the Russians on NATO in the short term
[00:01:40] is is quite unlikely.
[00:01:42] Um they are certainly continuing a
[00:01:46] campaign of subversion and sabotage
[00:01:49] uh misinformation and cognitive warfare
[00:01:52] against European countries. But a
[00:01:54] conventional attack is less likely. This
[00:01:56] is because Russia's traditional military
[00:02:00] strength lies in defending Russia. It
[00:02:03] lies in defending its own territory.
[00:02:06] When it has gone on offensive operations
[00:02:10] and expeditionary operations beyond its
[00:02:13] boundaries in places like Afghanistan
[00:02:15] and now in Ukraine, it has been found
[00:02:17] wanting. It would be found wanting in
[00:02:20] NATO as well.
[00:02:21] >> You are talking about hybrid war if I
[00:02:24] understood you correctly. Yeah.
[00:02:26] >> Yeah. I think this is what they would
[00:02:28] prefer to do because it's a strategy of
[00:02:30] the weak. Uh Russia is not a strong
[00:02:33] power anymore. It is neither rich nor
[00:02:36] technologically sophisticated enough to
[00:02:39] really take on NATO countries in a
[00:02:42] standup fight. So it has to use the
[00:02:45] strategy of cowards to uh undermine
[00:02:49] European security and its population's
[00:02:52] confidence in its governments rather
[00:02:54] than a direct attack.
[00:02:56] >> Mhm. Uh let's talk about American
[00:02:59] security umbrella for Europe. It has
[00:03:01] been definitely changed. Uh how could
[00:03:04] you indicate it now and what is it and
[00:03:07] how it works?
[00:03:09] >> Well, it took the Second World War for
[00:03:11] Americans to understand that the
[00:03:14] security of Europe directly impacted the
[00:03:17] security of the United States of
[00:03:19] America. Before the Second World War,
[00:03:21] Americans hadn't really internalized
[00:03:24] that. But at the end of the second world
[00:03:26] war, things like the Marshall Plan, the
[00:03:29] formation of NATO, and a whole range of
[00:03:31] other uh linkages were established to
[00:03:35] ensure that Europe could never go to war
[00:03:37] with itself again and therefore not
[00:03:40] impact on American security. That
[00:03:42] understanding has broken down in the
[00:03:45] last year. The current Trump
[00:03:46] administration does not appear to
[00:03:49] support that kind of approach. Indeed,
[00:03:51] it would rather align itself with
[00:03:54] authoritarians than democracies.
[00:03:59] >> Mhm. Uh several European states are
[00:04:02] openly supporting the idea of
[00:04:04] negotiating their own nuclear deterrent
[00:04:06] to complement the American one amid a
[00:04:09] decline in trust in the United States
[00:04:12] under Donald Trump. How could change
[00:04:15] nuclear power balance and global
[00:04:17] security architecture if this comes
[00:04:19] true?
[00:04:21] Well, I think if more European countries
[00:04:24] decided to have their own nuclear
[00:04:26] weapons, it would be very interesting to
[00:04:28] see whether they have it as part of a
[00:04:29] collective security agreement or whether
[00:04:32] it would be to guarantee their own
[00:04:34] security. The whole command and control
[00:04:37] for the use of nuclear weapons would
[00:04:40] need to be political, not military. And
[00:04:42] who would have the say over those
[00:04:44] weapons? The country that developed them
[00:04:45] or would there be European command and
[00:04:47] control? I think that that would have to
[00:04:49] be resolved but also I think you might
[00:04:52] see the wider breakout uh to go beyond
[00:04:55] the nuclear non-prololiferation treaty.
[00:04:58] So countries whether it's Germany or
[00:05:00] Poland, Korea or Japan might also decide
[00:05:03] that they need nuclear weapons.
[00:05:06] >> We see that European security is caught
[00:05:08] in the I would say crossfire. I mean
[00:05:11] literal fire from Russia and political
[00:05:13] fire from Washington. uh how European
[00:05:16] security could evolve efficiently under
[00:05:19] under such circumstances in your
[00:05:20] opinion?
[00:05:22] >> Well, certainly European countries can
[00:05:25] afford to spend more on their own
[00:05:26] defense. The 2% barrier has been broken
[00:05:29] by many of them. uh 3 to 4% is probably
[00:05:32] a more realistic target, but that will
[00:05:34] require um either more borrowing, higher
[00:05:37] taxes or decrease spending on the huge
[00:05:41] number of social services that European
[00:05:44] citizens are used to receiving. Uh they
[00:05:46] could do that. That doesn't mean,
[00:05:48] however, they have to entirely break
[00:05:50] their relationship with the United
[00:05:52] States. The United States is still the
[00:05:54] most powerful nation in the world. It is
[00:05:56] the most powerful democracy. Uh, it's in
[00:05:59] all our interest to retain good
[00:06:01] relations with the United States, even
[00:06:03] if relations at the moment under the
[00:06:05] Trump administration are not what we
[00:06:07] would like them to be.
[00:06:09] Some experts say that Russia is capable
[00:06:11] of fighting endlessly. How do you assess
[00:06:14] Russian military, economic, and
[00:06:16] political capabilities to hold this war
[00:06:19] efficiently in a long-term perspective?
[00:06:22] And how long will Putin have enough
[00:06:25] resources?
[00:06:27] Well, I think the only circumstances
[00:06:29] where that might be true is if Russia
[00:06:31] was defending its own territory. That is
[00:06:34] not what it is doing here. Russia isn't
[00:06:36] engaged in a legal war of territorial
[00:06:40] expansion and aggression under these
[00:06:42] circumstances. I do not believe Russia
[00:06:45] can fight endlessly even though it may
[00:06:47] have mobilized the resources to fight
[00:06:50] for longer than anyone anticipated. Um,
[00:06:52] Russia is not capable of an endless war
[00:06:55] in a expeditionary sense only in
[00:06:58] defending its own homeland.
[00:07:03] when it come when it comes to Russian u
[00:07:06] human resources. Uh in your opinion when
[00:07:09] Putin is ready to
[00:07:13] uh when Putin is ready to to to to
[00:07:15] global uh mobilization I mean to general
[00:07:18] mobilization
[00:07:21] >> well he's no he's not shown any
[00:07:23] inclination to do that because he knows
[00:07:25] there's a cost to his regime for doing
[00:07:28] that. Um certainly he has not
[00:07:31] demonstrated the inclination to mobilize
[00:07:34] people from uh key Russian cities
[00:07:37] including Moscow. He would rather
[00:07:39] recruit people from Africa, South Asia
[00:07:42] and lie to them about where they might
[00:07:44] be serving uh in the Russian armed
[00:07:47] forces. I think once again it would have
[00:07:50] to be a national emergency where Russia
[00:07:52] was defending its own territory where it
[00:07:55] could get away with general mobilization
[00:07:57] of the population. So I think this is a
[00:07:59] pressure point. This is where Ukraine
[00:08:01] can hurt Russia. And if Ukraine can do,
[00:08:04] as the minister of defense furovv has
[00:08:06] said, increase casualties to 50,000 a
[00:08:10] month, this will force Putin for the
[00:08:12] first time, I think, to really confront
[00:08:14] is Ukraine worth the casualties. I hope
[00:08:18] it does. uh because like all Ukrainians,
[00:08:20] we would like to see peace under the
[00:08:23] kind of circumstances that are favorable
[00:08:25] to Ukraine this year, not favorable to
[00:08:27] Russia.
[00:08:29] >> Peace talks in Geneva. Uh how do you
[00:08:31] assess prospects of trilateral
[00:08:33] negotiations in general and do you
[00:08:36] believe in successful outcome?
[00:08:39] >> I think we uh are very unlikely to see
[00:08:42] any major outcomes of the next round of
[00:08:44] peace talks in Geneva. the Russians have
[00:08:46] put in charge of it a a chief negotiator
[00:08:49] who's been proven to be inept and and
[00:08:52] unable to really negotiate effectively
[00:08:54] with Ukrainians in the past. I think
[00:08:56] that's the Russians signaling that
[00:08:58] they're just playing for time. The fact
[00:09:00] of the matter is Putin desperately needs
[00:09:03] something that he can sell as a victory
[00:09:05] to the Russian people. He does not have
[00:09:07] that at the moment. Uh and therefore I
[00:09:10] believe he will continue dragging out
[00:09:11] negotiations
[00:09:13] and leading the Trump administration
[00:09:15] down a garden path until he thinks he
[00:09:18] can get something that looks like a
[00:09:19] victory. That's unlikely, but I think he
[00:09:21] will continue delaying.
[00:09:24] >> How could be solved territorial issue? I
[00:09:27] would say the the most difficult in in
[00:09:30] these negotiations.
[00:09:32] >> Well, the simplest way to do it is the
[00:09:34] Russians go home. But I don't think the
[00:09:36] Russians appear willing to do that. Um,
[00:09:39] this is a very difficult uh political
[00:09:42] and societal challenge for uh Ukraine
[00:09:45] given the laws around territorial
[00:09:47] integrity and the fact that uh Russia
[00:09:50] has seized Ukrainian territory illegally
[00:09:54] over the period of time not since 2022
[00:09:57] but 2014. So I think this is going to
[00:10:00] have to be something that potentially
[00:10:03] could be parked. uh there could be a
[00:10:05] ceasefire along current lines and then
[00:10:08] the the situation with territory and
[00:10:11] what happens with territory might be
[00:10:13] subject to further negotiations but I
[00:10:16] think this is such a consequential such
[00:10:18] a difficult issue it's hard to see being
[00:10:21] resolved in the short term
[00:10:24] >> uh Rubio flew to Orban and FISO they are
[00:10:26] known for maintaining tines with Moscow
[00:10:29] opposing military aid to Ukraine and
[00:10:31] previously even blocking you sanctions
[00:10:33] against Russia
[00:10:34] U what is the main interest of
[00:10:36] cooperation between the US, Slovakia and
[00:10:38] Hungary?
[00:10:40] >> Well, I think it's more him signaling
[00:10:43] that his president uh feels uh some kind
[00:10:47] of feelalty or at least feels that they
[00:10:51] have similar political interests and how
[00:10:53] they govern their countries. In fact, I
[00:10:56] think the US Secretary of State talking
[00:10:59] with those people straight after he gave
[00:11:01] what was a reasonably consiliatory
[00:11:04] speech at the Munich Security Conference
[00:11:06] indicates that the speech really wasn't
[00:11:08] consiliatory. It was exactly what JD Van
[00:11:11] said last year, just sugarcoated.
[00:11:15] >> I got you. Uh Zilinski said that Trump
[00:11:18] offered security guarantees for 15 years
[00:11:21] but he requires 30 or 50 years. How do
[00:11:25] you understand American logic in terms
[00:11:27] of security guarantees and its time
[00:11:29] frames?
[00:11:32] >> Well, I'm not sure there is a logic uh
[00:11:34] to the American offer of 15 years and I
[00:11:37] think this is something that could be
[00:11:39] part of the negotiation.
[00:11:41] um whether it's 15 or 30 or 100 years as
[00:11:44] the UK agreement is I think the most
[00:11:46] important thing is getting some kind of
[00:11:49] security guarantee from the United
[00:11:51] States and when that's in place uh it
[00:11:53] can be negotiated to have that
[00:11:55] lengthened over time. So even a 10-year
[00:11:58] guarantee I think would be good as a
[00:12:00] start point and then immediately start
[00:12:02] negotiating for lengthening it at the
[00:12:05] back end. Mhm. According to publications
[00:12:08] of foreign press, there are three levels
[00:12:10] of security guarantees in case of uh
[00:12:14] Russian reattack uh on Ukraine. The
[00:12:17] first one is military response of
[00:12:19] Ukrainian army and political response of
[00:12:21] European Union. Uh the second step is
[00:12:24] military presence of European troops and
[00:12:26] the third one is American troops in
[00:12:28] Ukraine after 74 hours of Russian
[00:12:31] escalations of Russian escalation. uh we
[00:12:35] know that during the whole period of
[00:12:37] Russian aggression the main thing uh
[00:12:40] that USA and Europe want to avoid and it
[00:12:43] is the biggest fear uh it's a direct
[00:12:46] confrontation with Russia what can lead
[00:12:48] to nuclear war so why USA and Europe are
[00:12:52] ready to allow this confrontation now in
[00:12:54] order to security guarantees for Ukraine
[00:12:58] >> well I think there's sufficient evidence
[00:13:00] that the presence of European and
[00:13:02] American troops on the ground might be
[00:13:04] uh a sufficient deterrent against
[00:13:06] further Russian activity. We know this
[00:13:09] from Asia where American presence on the
[00:13:12] ground in South Korea has guaranteed
[00:13:15] that country's security and
[00:13:17] significantly reduced North Korean
[00:13:20] aggression. It hasn't entirely removed
[00:13:22] it, but it's significantly reduced it uh
[00:13:24] over the period since 1953.
[00:13:28] Um, we would be hoping that the presence
[00:13:30] on the ground of American troops and
[00:13:33] European troops, just as European
[00:13:35] American troops in Europe guaranteed the
[00:13:38] peace there after the Second World War,
[00:13:40] might do the same for Ukraine well into
[00:13:42] the future.
[00:13:45] >> Uh, there are many conversation and
[00:13:47] speculations about the end of the war by
[00:13:50] summer. Uh, under what circumstances
[00:13:52] this scenario can come true?
[00:13:55] >> Well, I think there's only two. One is
[00:13:57] that there is a very significant shift
[00:14:00] in the technology and tactics on the
[00:14:02] battlefield and one side or the other
[00:14:04] makes a an important breakthrough uh
[00:14:07] that achieves some kind of operational
[00:14:09] impact and destruction of large numbers
[00:14:12] of the other side's forces. The only
[00:14:15] other uh reasonable circumstance that
[00:14:18] might be applicable is a significant
[00:14:20] change in will where the Ukrainian
[00:14:23] government or the Russian government
[00:14:25] decides they've reached the point where
[00:14:27] it is no longer worth fighting and that
[00:14:30] a political accommodation now becomes an
[00:14:33] imperative. I'm not sure either of those
[00:14:35] circumstances are possible in the next
[00:14:37] six months.
[00:14:41] Uh we clearly understand which leverages
[00:14:43] uh United States can use to put pressure
[00:14:45] on Ukraine to get concessions from Kiev
[00:14:48] but it's not very clear which efficient
[00:14:50] tools US can use to get concessions from
[00:14:53] Moscow in current period of time. What
[00:14:56] can you say about it?
[00:14:58] Well, I think uh under the Trump
[00:15:00] administration, to their credit, they
[00:15:02] have provided more intelligence to the
[00:15:04] Ukrainian armed forces to support deeper
[00:15:06] strikes inside uh Russia. They have also
[00:15:11] been um capturing the shadow fleet that
[00:15:15] Russia uses to generate foreign revenue
[00:15:18] from its uh oil industry. It could
[00:15:22] expand both of those initiatives, but it
[00:15:24] could also do things like provide
[00:15:27] Tomahawk missiles. It could provide air
[00:15:30] defense missiles uh of a greater
[00:15:32] quantity and in more timely fashion so
[00:15:36] that air defense batteries aren't
[00:15:38] running out of missiles halfway through
[00:15:40] Russian attacks. I think stepping up
[00:15:43] training of uh Ukrainian forces inside
[00:15:47] Ukraine by uh Ukraine's partners
[00:15:49] including America but including other
[00:15:51] countries including Australia would also
[00:15:53] help.
[00:15:56] >> Mick uh thank you very much for this
[00:15:57] interview for this conversation. I
[00:16:00] appreciate your expertise. Thank you
[00:16:02] again and have a good day.
[00:16:04] >> Thank you. It's a pleasure to talk with
[00:16:05] you.
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