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[00:00:00] Hello everyone and welcome to Mintcast,
[00:00:02] the official podcast of Mintress News. I
[00:00:05] am your host, Manara Adli, and I'm the
[00:00:07] founder and director of Mint Press News.
[00:00:11] It seems that the United States is ready
[00:00:13] for yet another war, another
[00:00:15] confrontation. It's trying to start a
[00:00:18] war now with Venezuela. The Trump
[00:00:20] administration has sent a fleet of
[00:00:23] warships alongside thousands of soldiers
[00:00:26] to the Caribbean, even blowing up a
[00:00:28] Venezuelan ship it claimed was involved
[00:00:31] in the drug trade. But Washington has
[00:00:34] had its eyes on regime change in
[00:00:36] Venezuela for decades, sponsoring coups,
[00:00:39] opposition movements, and military
[00:00:41] operations against the socialist
[00:00:43] government. So, how close are we to yet
[00:00:46] another forever war? It's almost like we
[00:00:49] can't keep up from the current war that
[00:00:51] the United States is backing with Israel
[00:00:53] and its genocide and its occupation
[00:00:58] and its agitation of other countries
[00:01:00] including the latest bombing in Qatar,
[00:01:03] Lebanon, Tunisia with the Samud
[00:01:06] flatillas. It is just ongoing and it
[00:01:09] feels like we can't keep up. Um, but we
[00:01:11] will be dismantling some of the
[00:01:13] propaganda when it comes to this crisis,
[00:01:17] uh, this buildup for an invasion of
[00:01:20] Venezuela. I am joined by three people
[00:01:23] today to discuss this issue. Joining
[00:01:25] from Karacas is Diego Seuera. He is a
[00:01:29] journalist, a writer and local and with
[00:01:32] the local media outlet Mission Verdad.
[00:01:35] Also joining me is Leonardo Flores. He
[00:01:38] is the co-founder of the Venezuela
[00:01:40] Solidarity Network and a former analyst
[00:01:42] with the Venezuelan Embassy in
[00:01:45] Washington DC. And finally, we have the
[00:01:48] brilliant Alan Mloud who's also here. He
[00:01:51] is our senior staff writer and lead
[00:01:54] investigative journalist at Mitress
[00:01:56] News. and you know he has completed his
[00:01:59] PhD on the topic of Venezuelan politics
[00:02:02] and wrote the book bad news from
[00:02:05] Venezuela 20 years of fake news and
[00:02:07] misreporting. Make sure to order his
[00:02:09] book and check that out. I feel so
[00:02:11] humbled to be here with all of you uh
[00:02:14] gentlemen. Um you guys are definitely
[00:02:16] this is like the all-star team to talk
[00:02:18] about what's happening in Venezuela and
[00:02:21] of course I wish it was under better
[00:02:22] circumstances. Thank you gentlemen for
[00:02:24] joining me today.
[00:02:27] Thank you.
[00:02:28] >> Thank you. It's a pleasure to be on Mint
[00:02:29] Press and I hope uh viewers continue to
[00:02:31] support the great journalism that you
[00:02:33] you all are doing.
[00:02:35] >> Really appreciate that. And before we
[00:02:38] get on into the show, I do have a
[00:02:40] special announcement to make. If you've
[00:02:42] been following Mitress News, you might
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[00:04:11] So, let's um turn back to what we uh
[00:04:15] were planning on talking to, which is
[00:04:17] Venezuela right now. It's completely
[00:04:20] disturbing what the United States is
[00:04:22] doing, having its warships encircling
[00:04:25] the country. The Trump administration
[00:04:27] has placed a $50 million bounty on
[00:04:30] President Maduro's head. So Diego, I
[00:04:33] want to start with you. As someone who
[00:04:35] is who is Venezuelan, who is there as a
[00:04:37] journalist, what is the sentiment right
[00:04:40] now inside of Venezuela with the United
[00:04:42] States having its warheads pointed
[00:04:44] directly at your country? What is the
[00:04:46] situation on the ground right now?
[00:04:49] >> Thank you, Manara. It's a pleasure to be
[00:04:52] here and of course you know you're well
[00:04:55] aware. You got my full support given the
[00:04:57] new challenges, a new round of
[00:04:59] challenges for you. I'm sure you're
[00:05:01] going to overcome
[00:05:03] regarding the situation in here. Well,
[00:05:05] you know, Venezuela has has gone through
[00:05:08] so much that the first noise I guess
[00:05:11] it's not so paralyzing or shocking.
[00:05:14] People are about their own business. I'm
[00:05:16] in a very bustling area of Karakas which
[00:05:20] it could be a good benchmark to measure
[00:05:22] what how Karakas at least it's it's
[00:05:24] behaving these days and it's it kind of
[00:05:28] gives the impression that basically
[00:05:29] nothing is happening or will happen but
[00:05:31] of course this has to do with like I
[00:05:34] said it has a lot to do with this is not
[00:05:37] the first time not even the first time
[00:05:39] of of threats of military action and um
[00:05:44] and besides the point. I mean, until
[00:05:47] something really happens, I think we're
[00:05:48] going to we're not going to see the
[00:05:50] actual reaction of people. But beyond
[00:05:52] that point, I mean, during on the on a
[00:05:54] more media and political level, you can
[00:05:56] see also that uh our president has
[00:05:59] called for enlisting in the national
[00:06:02] militia uh which is a component of the
[00:06:05] of our armed forces
[00:06:08] couple of weeks ago and
[00:06:10] a lot of people basically joined who
[00:06:12] signed up. huge numbers they said and
[00:06:16] they talk about even eight million uh
[00:06:20] make that whatever you want you want
[00:06:22] about it I'm sure that it's a lot of
[00:06:23] people anyways and um and you know this
[00:06:27] also goes beyond the sphere of charisma
[00:06:30] itself
[00:06:32] there are I don't know how aware
[00:06:35] the US is probably not I mean usually
[00:06:37] this is also usually based on fraud
[00:06:39] analysis that set ups a strategy and um
[00:06:43] and usually bring brings a lot of blocks
[00:06:45] with with them that also at some point
[00:06:48] becomes blowback.
[00:06:50] I don't know how sure they are, how
[00:06:52] aware they are of the let's call it the
[00:06:54] nationalist vein, the body vein that not
[00:06:56] necessarily means that a Venezuelan
[00:06:58] citizen necessarily supports the
[00:07:01] government support charisma
[00:07:03] but when and even
[00:07:07] looking for change for political change
[00:07:09] but one thing is to have those ideas and
[00:07:11] another one is to
[00:07:13] be threatened directly by the US for
[00:07:16] regime change in this case because of
[00:07:17] course you can clearly see through the
[00:07:21] accusations of the cartel de or whether
[00:07:23] we can talk about that further on but um
[00:07:27] you can't stop this and think that
[00:07:31] people beyond that freight is not going
[00:07:32] to react or oppose there already even
[00:07:34] opposition politicians that already said
[00:07:37] that in any given situation of this sort
[00:07:40] a hypothetical attack our president it's
[00:07:44] Nicolas Maluro and this is our country
[00:07:45] we're going to defend it of course
[00:07:47] there's also a French spectrum here of
[00:07:50] people who are
[00:07:52] some you can say wishful think wishfully
[00:07:56] thinking and then you have from the
[00:07:57] extremist factions of the opposition you
[00:07:59] have people who are actually craving for
[00:08:00] this because this would do their work
[00:08:02] you know as in finding what they call an
[00:08:05] easiest direct way of breaking change
[00:08:06] which is not that's part of this flaw
[00:08:09] analysis we've been talking about so
[00:08:13] right now I mean like I said you don't
[00:08:16] get the feel properly unless you check
[00:08:18] out the news unless you are following
[00:08:20] what the the recent statement and where
[00:08:23] the footage we've seen from southern
[00:08:24] Puerto Rico or or the yeah what the
[00:08:28] president the vice president Marco Rubio
[00:08:30] everyone has been saying about
[00:08:31] Venezuela.
[00:08:33] So
[00:08:35] one has to be of course has to be
[00:08:37] cautious and we don't expect the best of
[00:08:39] the situation right now but there's no
[00:08:41] fear on the street which is like the
[00:08:42] main headline I would I would choose to
[00:08:45] sum up the situation here right now
[00:08:48] >> we're talking about a country who is led
[00:08:52] by a revolutionary vision by Hugo Chavez
[00:08:55] a workers revolution and he famously
[00:08:58] called the United States the great Satan
[00:09:01] and for good reason. I mean, Venezuela
[00:09:03] has been the target of US imperialist um
[00:09:07] sabotage against this country for
[00:09:09] decades and including coups. And when I
[00:09:13] visited Venezuela
[00:09:15] a few years ago, Diego, you were one of
[00:09:17] the people that hosted me there. I mean,
[00:09:20] I was I was there as an independent um
[00:09:23] election observer and I met with people
[00:09:26] and I walked through the streets and it
[00:09:29] was just so beautiful to see just how
[00:09:30] much support people had for the
[00:09:33] revolution that Nicholas Maduro was
[00:09:35] carrying on. And it was obvious that
[00:09:39] Venezuela is a country that res
[00:09:42] represents resistance to US imperialism.
[00:09:44] And it does not surprise me that every
[00:09:47] single attempt the US has made to
[00:09:49] overthrow the government in Venezuela
[00:09:51] has failed. They've failed. Every single
[00:09:53] one of them because the people there,
[00:09:55] the majority of the people stand with
[00:09:57] the revolution and they stand with Hugo
[00:10:00] Chavez and they stand with Nicolos
[00:10:01] Maduro. So it would not surprise me that
[00:10:04] 8 million people joined uh this force to
[00:10:08] defend their country from US sabotage.
[00:10:12] And so, Leonardo, um, you know, I think
[00:10:15] it's really important that we break down
[00:10:17] and dismantle the these, uh, neo narot
[00:10:22] trafficking, uh, accusations that are
[00:10:25] being
[00:10:26] put on Nicolas Maduro himself. So, what
[00:10:28] do you make of these allegations about
[00:10:30] Maduro and about Venezuela being a drug
[00:10:34] producing hot spot?
[00:10:37] >> Yeah, I mean, all the evidence runs
[00:10:38] counter to that to that claim, right?
[00:10:40] that Venezuela somehow is a drug
[00:10:42] producing hot spot. In fact, when we
[00:10:44] look at the numbers, and these are
[00:10:45] numbers that the DEA agrees with, it's
[00:10:47] that Venezuela produces zero cocaine. It
[00:10:50] does not grow cocoa leaf. It does not at
[00:10:52] the at most at most 5% of the cocaine
[00:10:56] produced in South America flows out of
[00:10:59] Venezuela as a transit country. So, the
[00:11:02] the bulk of the cocaine rather than
[00:11:04] flowing out of the Caribbean flows
[00:11:06] through the Pacific. We're talking 87%.
[00:11:08] 70% and this is a figure that just came
[00:11:11] out pretty recently that they estimate
[00:11:13] that 70% of the cocaine in the world
[00:11:15] flows actually out of Ecuador which has
[00:11:17] a Pacific coastline. So this idea that
[00:11:19] somehow the United States is sending its
[00:11:21] warships to the Caribbean to the
[00:11:23] Venezuelan coast or right outside on
[00:11:25] international waters to protect American
[00:11:28] citizens from drugs. It's ludicrous
[00:11:30] because if you wanted to do that first
[00:11:32] of all you wouldn't use the military for
[00:11:33] that. You know, we know from 50 years
[00:11:36] almost of the war on drugs that a war
[00:11:38] that has completely failed that
[00:11:40] militarizing this war or militarizing
[00:11:42] this problem rather is not a solution.
[00:11:45] Secondly,
[00:11:46] cocaine is hardly the big problem in the
[00:11:49] United States right now when we're
[00:11:50] talking about drug use and overdoses and
[00:11:52] when we see people on the streets of our
[00:11:54] cities that are suffering from
[00:11:55] addiction. It's opioids, it's fentinyl,
[00:11:57] it's heroin, it's other things that not
[00:12:00] cocaine, right? Cocaine was a big
[00:12:02] problem back in the 80s, early 90s. Now,
[00:12:04] not as much. It's it's other drugs that
[00:12:06] Venezuela doesn't produce at all.
[00:12:08] Fentinel, there's no fentinel in
[00:12:09] Venezuela that goes to the United
[00:12:10] States. So, so, so this is a myth that
[00:12:13] really we have to take down and we have
[00:12:15] to debunk, right? And then when we talk
[00:12:18] about these narco terrorism charges, I
[00:12:20] mean, this is absurd, right? I mean, I
[00:12:23] challenge anyone to name one terrorist
[00:12:25] act that the Bolivarian government has
[00:12:27] carried out in the past 26 27 years
[00:12:29] since it was first elected. There's
[00:12:31] there's none. The drug charges
[00:12:34] themselves, you know, they they focus on
[00:12:36] the trenda. They focus on the cartel
[00:12:38] dees, but then their own reports really
[00:12:41] undercut their arguments. When I say
[00:12:43] their own reports, I'm talking about uh
[00:12:45] the United States intelligence services
[00:12:47] and and other agencies. So, for example,
[00:12:50] there was this memo that was uh leaked
[00:12:52] in I think believe it was May from the
[00:12:54] National Intelligence Council. And here
[00:12:56] I'm going to read a quote where it says,
[00:12:58] "The Maduro regime probably does not
[00:13:00] have a policy of cooperating with TDA,
[00:13:03] TDA's Trenarawa, and is not directing
[00:13:05] TDA movements and operations in the
[00:13:08] United States.
[00:13:10] Venezuelan intelligence, military, and
[00:13:12] police services view TDA as a security
[00:13:14] threat and operate against it in ways
[00:13:17] that make it highly unlikely the two
[00:13:19] sides would cooperate in a strategic or
[00:13:21] consistent way. So, right away, this is
[00:13:24] the top levels of US intelligence,
[00:13:26] acknowledging that TDA not only doesn't
[00:13:29] work with Venezuela, but that Venezuela
[00:13:30] views it as a threat. And in fact, the
[00:13:33] TDA was functionally destroyed by the
[00:13:35] Venezuelan security forces in 2022,
[00:13:38] 2023. And now what we have are remnants
[00:13:40] of the TVA throughout the hemisphere
[00:13:42] that kind of act as a loose network or
[00:13:44] that trade on this TDA name to kind of
[00:13:47] further their criminal enterprises. On
[00:13:49] top of that, let me just read a quick
[00:13:51] quote from the DEA's National Drug
[00:13:53] Threat Assessment. This is a a yearly
[00:13:56] report that the DEA issues. And in the
[00:13:58] 2025 report, they say TDA members also
[00:14:01] conduct smallcale drug trafficking
[00:14:04] activities. So in this drug DEA report,
[00:14:08] the only mentions of Venezuela are in
[00:14:10] this two these two paragraphs about TDA
[00:14:12] where they don't even say that it's a
[00:14:14] cartel and they don't go into narotism.
[00:14:17] They say mostly that the TDA uses
[00:14:19] engages in human trafficking and
[00:14:20] smuggling and and and really uh using
[00:14:24] migrants to their own ends and does very
[00:14:27] little drug trafficking
[00:14:29] that the so it undercuts the Trump
[00:14:31] administration's argument about
[00:14:32] naroterrorism completely. Furthermore,
[00:14:35] and I'll just add in terms of Cartelro
[00:14:37] Sodes, you know, I was looking back
[00:14:39] through these drug assessment reports
[00:14:40] for the past 15 years, some of them
[00:14:43] aren't publicly available, but in the
[00:14:45] ones that were, and I looked at around a
[00:14:46] dozen or so, the Cartendos, do you know
[00:14:49] how many times it's mentioned? Zero
[00:14:51] times. Zero mentions at all over the
[00:14:54] past 15 years. So clearly, this is not a
[00:14:57] cartel that first of all, it's a cartel
[00:14:59] that doesn't exist. Secondly, it's not
[00:15:01] any sort of threat to the United States.
[00:15:03] So what we're seeing is kind of the
[00:15:05] political maneuvering by Marco Rubio and
[00:15:08] other hardliners that really are more
[00:15:10] interested in Cuba than Venezuela using
[00:15:14] this kind of rhetoric of crime and
[00:15:16] narotism to push the United States into
[00:15:19] a conflict with Venezuela.
[00:15:21] >> Absolutely. And I think if the United
[00:15:23] States cared about the war on drugs, we
[00:15:25] wouldn't have had our US military
[00:15:28] members, our soldiers,
[00:15:31] you know, defending those uh poppy
[00:15:33] plants in Afghanistan. Um, and I I want
[00:15:37] to point out that Marco Rubio's
[00:15:39] pronouncements about being tough on
[00:15:41] drugs, you know, they really fall flat
[00:15:43] when we remember his own brother-in-law,
[00:15:46] Orlando Cecilia, was a cocaine drug lord
[00:15:49] who spent over 12 years in a Florida
[00:15:52] prison. So, you know, it's it's obvious
[00:15:56] that Washington has always wanted to
[00:15:58] gain back control over Venezuela's uh
[00:16:01] oil and Venezuela's incredible uh
[00:16:04] mineral wealth. Of course, we know that
[00:16:07] this includes the largest proven oil
[00:16:09] reserves in the world, but also
[00:16:10] significant deposits of iron, natural
[00:16:12] gas, gold, and diamonds, and other
[00:16:16] minerals that are used for the uh for
[00:16:18] military equipment.
[00:16:20] And so Allan um you know there is
[00:16:23] obviously a huge undertone to all this
[00:16:26] which is that the US with that the US's
[00:16:28] history of trying to provoke regime
[00:16:31] change in Venezuela. Could you first
[00:16:34] tell us what Marco Rubio has said about
[00:16:38] Venezuela and then kind of give us a
[00:16:40] history of the United States provoking
[00:16:43] regime change?
[00:16:46] >> Yeah, sure. So Marco Rubio is a
[00:16:48] CubanAmerican Secretary of State and he
[00:16:52] has really been a hardliner on Venezuela
[00:16:54] for his entire career like so many Cuban
[00:16:57] Americans uh have. Um we know what uh
[00:17:01] Rubio was doing in the first Trump
[00:17:03] administration from books like uh Mark
[00:17:06] Esper's tell all book that came out.
[00:17:08] Mark Esper was the defense secretary
[00:17:09] under Trump. You can also read National
[00:17:12] Security Adviser, John Bolton's book,
[00:17:14] The Room Where It Happens. And basically
[00:17:17] what came out of that it was that Rubio
[00:17:19] was one of the super hawks uh in the
[00:17:22] cabinet really pushing for regime change
[00:17:24] even pushing for a potential military
[00:17:27] invasion of Venezuela. Uh we might
[00:17:29] remember in 2020 the uh United States
[00:17:34] tried to launch a series of coups um
[00:17:36] trying to push Juan Guyaido into the uh
[00:17:39] Mira Flores presidential palace. During
[00:17:42] that time, Rubio was really one of the
[00:17:44] strongest supporters of that and he was
[00:17:46] probably the brains behind it. You might
[00:17:48] even remember him tweeting pictures of
[00:17:51] um uh Gaddafi being uh lynched and uh
[00:17:54] sodomized to Nicholas Maduro at the
[00:17:57] time. So he was putting that out in a
[00:17:59] public forum, you know, snuff pictures
[00:18:01] basically uh trying to intimidate uh a
[00:18:04] government and a foreign official in
[00:18:07] that way. So Rubio, yeah, he's, you
[00:18:10] know, one of these uh the real
[00:18:11] hardliners. I did call him a mastermind,
[00:18:14] but you know, frankly, it's it's clear
[00:18:16] that he doesn't really understand a lot
[00:18:18] about Venezuela. There was one time when
[00:18:20] I remember he was on uh social media
[00:18:23] talking about how uh the socialist
[00:18:25] government is um is falling and and a
[00:18:28] reason for this is because the uh the
[00:18:30] Kerman Dam in Venezuela had been uh
[00:18:33] destroyed. but he'd completely
[00:18:35] misunderstood uh the article and
[00:18:37] actually the uh the journalist who wrote
[00:18:40] it came in and said actually that's not
[00:18:42] at all what happened. My name is Kamand
[00:18:44] you've completely misunderstood what's
[00:18:46] going on here and yeah I mean he's he's
[00:18:48] a ridiculous figure in so many ways. Um
[00:18:51] but he is pretty typical for uh the US
[00:18:54] whether it's Democrat or Republican in
[00:18:56] the administration.
[00:18:59] Before 1998 and the election of uh Hugo
[00:19:02] Chavez, Venezuela is actually one of the
[00:19:04] US's key allies in the region and it was
[00:19:07] doing whatever it was told. Basically,
[00:19:09] it would pump oil whenever the United
[00:19:11] States told it to to keep the prices
[00:19:13] nice and low. But all of that changed
[00:19:15] when Chavez was elected. And uh pretty
[00:19:18] quickly he realized that the minerals
[00:19:21] wealth of Venezuela really had to be
[00:19:23] directed towards uh benefiting the
[00:19:26] people of Venezuela. And that put him
[00:19:28] right in the crosshairs of the United
[00:19:30] States. And so really I have to say for
[00:19:32] the last quarter of a century there
[00:19:34] hasn't been a day when the United States
[00:19:36] hasn't been trying to overthrow the
[00:19:38] government of Venezuela. We saw them uh
[00:19:42] greenlight a coup in 2002 where the US
[00:19:44] ambassador, I think his name was Charles
[00:19:46] Shapiro, was actually at the
[00:19:48] headquarters of the coup. the NE and
[00:19:51] USAD, these shadowy uh government
[00:19:54] organizations that uh funnel money to
[00:19:57] political organizations all over the
[00:19:59] world, have very deep footprints in
[00:20:01] Venezuela, sponsoring so many opposition
[00:20:04] groups, whether that's political,
[00:20:06] social, uh economic, nos, everything. Uh
[00:20:10] they've been sponsoring, yeah, the
[00:20:12] Venezuelan opposition for many decades
[00:20:14] now. The US refused to recognize the
[00:20:18] 2013 elections which saw Maduro come to
[00:20:20] power. Uh they were the only country in
[00:20:23] the world actually that refused to
[00:20:24] recognize these elections. So the US
[00:20:26] stood in splendid isolation and then as
[00:20:29] we were talking about earlier under the
[00:20:31] Obama administration since uh March 2015
[00:20:35] the United States has formerly been
[00:20:36] under a state of emergency supposedly
[00:20:39] because of the extraordinary threat
[00:20:41] Venezuela poses to the United States.
[00:20:44] And what these sanctions, which should
[00:20:45] really be called a blockade or
[00:20:47] unilateral coercive measures, mean is
[00:20:49] that they've basically been trying to
[00:20:51] destroy the uh Venezuelan economy. And
[00:20:54] even though they haven't been able to
[00:20:55] overthrow the government, they have had
[00:20:57] uh significant success in uh making the
[00:20:59] people of Venezuela suffer. But that was
[00:21:02] really turned up to 11 when Trump was
[00:21:04] elected in 2016. Trump, as we know, uh
[00:21:08] supported Juan Guyaido. He green lit the
[00:21:12] ridiculous Operation Gideon, often
[00:21:14] called the Bay of Piglets, where um
[00:21:17] former US Green Berets, led a group of
[00:21:20] mostly Colombian mercenaries to try to
[00:21:22] shoot their way uh into the presidential
[00:21:24] palace and install Juan Guyaido as a a
[00:21:27] dictator. They supported this ridiculous
[00:21:30] um parallel government. And they've also
[00:21:32] been engaging in incredible acts of
[00:21:35] international piracy trying to um uh
[00:21:38] take Venezuelan vessels uh from open
[00:21:41] seas and um and uh seize the cargo
[00:21:44] there. The Bank of England famously uh
[00:21:47] seized nearly $2 billion worth of
[00:21:49] Venezuelan gold and uh basically
[00:21:51] transferred it to the parallel
[00:21:52] government led by Guyaido. So there is
[00:21:55] this very long history going back almost
[00:21:58] from day one uh in Venezuela of the
[00:22:00] United States trying to overthrow the
[00:22:02] country and that's the critical backdrop
[00:22:04] which pretty much none of the corporate
[00:22:06] media outlets uh that you read about
[00:22:09] Venezuela ever fill you in on. And so
[00:22:11] the public are just generally uh none
[00:22:14] the wiser on what's actually happening
[00:22:15] in the country.
[00:22:17] >> Absolutely. I mean, the media
[00:22:18] specializes in not providing any sort of
[00:22:20] historical context to US sabotage of
[00:22:22] other countries so that they can
[00:22:24] continue to manufacture consent for
[00:22:26] these regime change wars. Um, but it
[00:22:30] seems like the people in Venezuela are
[00:22:31] not backing down. They're uniting more
[00:22:33] than ever. Diego, Diego, we talked a
[00:22:35] little bit about um this uh militia
[00:22:38] that's being formed of nearly 8 million
[00:22:40] people. Just a really incredible number,
[00:22:43] but it really shouldn't surprise people.
[00:22:45] We have a country that is dedicated to
[00:22:48] to defending their country. I mean, and
[00:22:50] I mean, if you think about it, if we had
[00:22:52] a threat here in the United States where
[00:22:55] a foreign government or foreign military
[00:22:57] was about to invade here, we would have
[00:23:00] a, you know, military that would
[00:23:03] organize and we'd have probably citizens
[00:23:05] join the military to support and defend
[00:23:08] their country. So, it's not at all
[00:23:10] surprising that that number is at 8
[00:23:12] million right now. Um, could you tell us
[00:23:15] more about these militias, Diego, and
[00:23:18] what their role is and how seriously
[00:23:20] Venezuela is taking this threat of a US
[00:23:23] invasion?
[00:23:25] >> Well, you know, militia has been a
[00:23:27] component of the armed forces ever since
[00:23:29] the commandantes years since Chavis.
[00:23:32] have been was formed
[00:23:34] I'm not sure maybe Lonardo could help me
[00:23:36] with this one but I think it was around
[00:23:38] 2011 or 12 or even before but during the
[00:23:42] the early decades and um as another
[00:23:45] component of the armed forces I mean
[00:23:47] that was during those years and it and
[00:23:50] it had also yeah a territorial role and
[00:23:53] sometimes they have secondary uh roles
[00:23:56] in many aspects in security aspects or
[00:23:58] organizing and social engagement ever
[00:24:00] since it's not an it's not as
[00:24:04] kinetic, let's call it that way, as
[00:24:06] other components of course of the of the
[00:24:09] armed forces, but it has been there ever
[00:24:11] since.
[00:24:12] So, and the rational behind it is quite
[00:24:15] clear and also it has been clearly
[00:24:17] stated also by our president recently. I
[00:24:18] mean he said if something gets to happen
[00:24:21] we're going to have a republic in arms
[00:24:23] which of course this has to do also with
[00:24:25] an asymmetric approach to to the threats
[00:24:29] that we're dealing with regarding the US
[00:24:31] and regarding also because you can't
[00:24:34] like dealing one from the other of the
[00:24:37] internal threats you since the last
[00:24:40] election presidential elections last
[00:24:41] year in July the 28 on
[00:24:45] our interior minister Galos was told
[00:24:49] couple of weeks ago in one of those
[00:24:50] press conference showing one of the
[00:24:53] recent one one of these terrorist plots
[00:24:54] that was foiled in which involves by the
[00:24:56] way Albanian Narco clans who operate
[00:25:00] from Ecuador
[00:25:02] US mercenaries and other from other
[00:25:04] places and extremist extremist factions
[00:25:07] of the Venezuelan opposition
[00:25:11] which you have to think about that
[00:25:13] especially now when they're trying to
[00:25:15] mix one thing with the other as And what
[00:25:18] about if there was some sort of
[00:25:21] upheaval, some sort of turmoil going on
[00:25:24] inside Venezuela when this all this
[00:25:26] flotillaa all this task force arrived
[00:25:29] into near our shores. It kind of you
[00:25:33] know and and it's something that's not
[00:25:35] uh that has happened before. It happened
[00:25:37] in 2015 2016 with a criminal insurgency
[00:25:40] that was brewing during those days.
[00:25:43] Right after that it cames that we had
[00:25:44] one of the most violent unconventional
[00:25:46] warfare colorcoded revolution attempt
[00:25:49] back in that year. So timing and pacing
[00:25:53] I think it's essential here. So that
[00:25:56] also explains the role of people who are
[00:25:58] actually ingrained in their own
[00:25:59] communities in their own territories who
[00:26:01] knows everyone who knows also uh the the
[00:26:07] land and the security demands it has in
[00:26:10] order to make it even more
[00:26:11] comprehensive. a thorough approach to
[00:26:13] security in all levels. That's basically
[00:26:15] the rational behind it. Of course, it
[00:26:17] also has the classics elements such as,
[00:26:20] you know, popular prolonged warfare like
[00:26:24] Mau style and that kind of uh
[00:26:26] documentation, let's call it that way,
[00:26:28] that kind of doctrine. But it's always
[00:26:30] it has been ingrained in in the national
[00:26:32] defense doctrine ever since
[00:26:37] and yeah, I think that it's important to
[00:26:40] they all I mean they also have to some
[00:26:42] extent also have intelligence roles and
[00:26:44] they have social intelligence role. I
[00:26:46] mean they're not part of the security
[00:26:48] system itself but there are always
[00:26:50] people who are well you know intelligenc
[00:26:54] people knowing what's weird what's going
[00:26:56] on around their own surroundings and
[00:26:58] being able to report and to and to
[00:27:01] seriously this is important assess what
[00:27:05] the nature of those threats that we're
[00:27:07] talking about because that's also part
[00:27:09] of the of the equation let's call it
[00:27:11] that way. So that's basically its role
[00:27:14] ever since and um so now basically what
[00:27:18] we've seen is just a big mobilization
[00:27:20] towards uh raising the numbers even
[00:27:24] higher and I might add this also I think
[00:27:27] it has also a psychological effect a
[00:27:30] deterrent effect I might add and I think
[00:27:33] this also plays out in how the
[00:27:35] psychological sphere of this moment
[00:27:38] plays out if there wasn't this kind of
[00:27:41] response the last couple of weeks.
[00:27:44] probably the US assessment regarding how
[00:27:47] easy how slam dunk-ish was to
[00:27:51] intimidate to find some breaking point
[00:27:54] inside Venezuela would have been would
[00:27:56] it would have been more obvious and it
[00:27:58] isn't because of this I think
[00:28:01] >> well I think a lot of people oh go ahead
[00:28:04] >> among I was just adding among other
[00:28:06] aspects of course but that's that's a
[00:28:08] that's an essential one
[00:28:10] defin
[00:28:13] >> okay and And um I appreciate you
[00:28:15] explaining that. I think a lot of people
[00:28:17] are curious, you know, uh why now? You
[00:28:20] know, why is Trump doing this right now?
[00:28:23] Like what is it about this moment? And
[00:28:25] so, Leonardo, um I'm curious to know
[00:28:28] what is your assessment on the situation
[00:28:30] and why do you think Trump is trying to
[00:28:32] invade Venezuela right now? And do you
[00:28:35] think that they will actually follow
[00:28:37] through? Yeah, I mean I think it's
[00:28:39] interesting because right now there's a
[00:28:41] very clear divide within the Trump
[00:28:43] administration. On the one hand, you
[00:28:45] have this kind of faction of MAGA
[00:28:46] isolationist types who don't want
[00:28:49] necessarily see a conflict in Venezuela.
[00:28:51] And that faction is right now
[00:28:53] spearheaded by Richard Grenell who among
[00:28:55] other things is Trump's special envoy
[00:28:57] for Venezuela. And it was thanks to this
[00:28:59] faction that the United States and
[00:29:01] Venezuela came to an agreement pretty
[00:29:02] recently, less than about a little bit
[00:29:04] over a month ago to not only give
[00:29:06] Chevron a new oil license, but to free
[00:29:09] the 256 Venezuelans who were held
[00:29:11] hostage in the Salvador and torture
[00:29:13] prison and to reunite some Venezuelan
[00:29:16] children with their families. So the
[00:29:19] other side of the coin though is the
[00:29:21] Marco Rubio faction, the neocons who
[00:29:23] really have had their eyes set on
[00:29:25] Venezuela for decades as Allan was
[00:29:27] saying and they have been push they were
[00:29:30] first of all they were pushing against
[00:29:31] this Chevron license from the beginning.
[00:29:33] In fact, at one point Trump called uh
[00:29:36] the Congress people from South Florida
[00:29:38] crazy Cubans because they were
[00:29:39] threatening to derail his big beautiful
[00:29:41] bill if they if Trump gave Chevron a
[00:29:45] license. So he didn't give them a
[00:29:46] license until after the bill had passed.
[00:29:49] But instead of giving instead of denying
[00:29:51] a license, what he did was allow this uh
[00:29:54] military deployment to the Caribbean and
[00:29:56] ter. So that's one of the reasons why
[00:29:58] now is because there's this fighting
[00:29:59] infighting within the Trump
[00:30:00] administration. Another big reason is,
[00:30:03] you know, we're seeing Trump use the
[00:30:04] rhetoric of crime not just against
[00:30:06] Venezuela, but internally in the United
[00:30:07] States. He's not only deployed National
[00:30:10] Guard and ICE throughout Washington DC,
[00:30:12] but he's threatened to do it in Chicago,
[00:30:14] Baltimore, New Orleans, many other
[00:30:16] cities. That goes along with what we're
[00:30:20] seeing in Venezuela. And part of it, and
[00:30:22] I and I think, you know, I was at a I
[00:30:24] live in Washington DC and I was at a
[00:30:25] rally last week just to against this
[00:30:28] occupation of Washington DC, and I saw
[00:30:30] dozens and dozens of signs linking the
[00:30:32] occupation of DC to the Epstein case.
[00:30:35] Right. So I think that is plays a role
[00:30:38] as well in trying to uh change the topic
[00:30:41] of conversation from Epstein to crime
[00:30:43] and to Venezuela to anything else that
[00:30:46] could stick. I don't know that an
[00:30:48] invasion is eminent. You know, to invade
[00:30:50] Venezuela, they're definitely going to
[00:30:52] need more than the 5,000 Marines that
[00:30:53] are on board these ships and more than
[00:30:55] the pe the Marines that are training
[00:30:56] Puerto Rico. They're really going to
[00:30:58] need help from Colombia and Brazil and
[00:31:01] from the regional bases they have all
[00:31:02] around. Right now, those conditions
[00:31:04] don't exist. But that's not to say that
[00:31:06] there is no danger, right? The danger is
[00:31:09] that the Trump administration is going
[00:31:10] to start bombing inside Venezuela as
[00:31:12] they just said that they've been
[00:31:14] discussing over the past week. And then
[00:31:16] at that point, we would see Venezuela
[00:31:18] respond and something could escalate and
[00:31:19] go out of control. To me, the reason or
[00:31:22] at least one of the big reasons that
[00:31:23] they deployed uh the fleet was to cause
[00:31:26] kind of a psychological break within the
[00:31:28] Venezuelan people and and more
[00:31:29] specifically within the Venezuelan armed
[00:31:31] forces. Because when we saw these ships
[00:31:34] first arrive, if you looked at social
[00:31:36] media in Venezuela, they were saying
[00:31:37] things like, "Oh, now is the time for
[00:31:39] the people to for the people in the
[00:31:40] armed forces to rise up against Budo."
[00:31:42] And they do this pretty regularly, but
[00:31:45] you see the traffic spike when some when
[00:31:48] the US is planning something. So they're
[00:31:50] trying to get all these generals to flip
[00:31:52] and it didn't happen. They're trying to
[00:31:54] get the Venezuelan people to really rise
[00:31:56] up against their government and it
[00:31:58] didn't happen. Instead, the opposite has
[00:32:00] happened, right? We've seen the armed
[00:32:02] forces in Venezuela become more cohesive
[00:32:05] and we're as Diego mentioned, we've
[00:32:07] seen, you know, the people take more uh
[00:32:09] more significant role in the defense of
[00:32:10] the nation through the militias.
[00:32:13] >> Alan, uh what do you think of Leonardo's
[00:32:16] assessment?
[00:32:18] >> Yeah, I think he's pretty much on point.
[00:32:20] Ultimately, if they've only got 4,500 uh
[00:32:24] servicemen as uh what has been reported
[00:32:26] in the media, that's simply not enough
[00:32:28] to stage some sort of large scale
[00:32:31] invasion of a country that is uh you
[00:32:33] know much larger than uh you know uh
[00:32:37] it's not some like little place that you
[00:32:39] can take over. In fact, 4,500 troops
[00:32:41] might not even be enough to subdue
[00:32:43] Chicago. Who knows? Um my sense is
[00:32:46] probably that this is an operation to
[00:32:48] try to put pressure on Venezuela and see
[00:32:51] what happens. You know, put pressure on
[00:32:53] the structure. Will cracks emerge? Will
[00:32:56] generals, for example, try to defect?
[00:32:58] Will there be mass panic? Um, the United
[00:33:02] States of course has spent decades
[00:33:04] trying to penetrate the Venezuelan armed
[00:33:06] forces, particularly the officer corps,
[00:33:08] and try to peel off uh people there, try
[00:33:11] to find allies within uh the movement
[00:33:13] that could potentially do its dirty work
[00:33:15] for it. But yeah, it's not clear that
[00:33:18] that's actually going to happen. And
[00:33:19] it's also clear that this is obviously
[00:33:22] not about drugs, as Leonardo has made
[00:33:25] clear as well. Um, I don't think it was
[00:33:27] the last time. I think two times ago
[00:33:29] when I was in Venezuela, I spoke to
[00:33:30] someone in the government, uh, William
[00:33:32] Castillo. And normally we talk about the
[00:33:35] Republicans and the Democrats as being
[00:33:38] two sides of the same coin. They're
[00:33:40] basically the same one party state, but
[00:33:42] he said for Venezuelans, there is
[00:33:44] actually a bit of a difference. And
[00:33:46] generally, the Democrats don't favor the
[00:33:48] sort of invasion of Venezuela. they
[00:33:50] prefer the sort of sanctions and the NGO
[00:33:52] uh the way of trying to change the
[00:33:55] society. But uh people like Trump and
[00:33:58] the people he surrounded himself are
[00:34:00] real hardliners. You know in Trump's
[00:34:02] first administration he uh reportedly
[00:34:05] said that it would be quote cool to
[00:34:07] invade Venezuela because quote it's
[00:34:09] really part of the United States end
[00:34:11] quote. So that's the sort of mentality
[00:34:14] Trump has. you know, go in, bash him on
[00:34:17] the head, take the oil.
[00:34:19] Who knows what's going to happen when
[00:34:21] tensions rise? There could be um
[00:34:23] misgivings, there could be
[00:34:24] misunderstandings, and something
[00:34:26] terrible could happen. But I would say
[00:34:28] that if the United States does uh try to
[00:34:32] um engineer an uh a regime change
[00:34:35] operation in Venezuela and it is
[00:34:37] successful, I would predict that we will
[00:34:41] see a massive spike in drug production
[00:34:43] in Venezuela. Because if you look at
[00:34:46] what happened in Afghanistan in the
[00:34:47] 1980s, the United States wanted to
[00:34:50] overthrow a leftist government in
[00:34:53] Afghanistan. And they did it by funding
[00:34:56] uh ultra reactionary uh conservative
[00:34:59] Islamists like Osama bin Laden. And they
[00:35:02] allowed the mujahedin to uh control the
[00:35:04] opium trade making uh Afghanistan the
[00:35:08] world center for opium production.
[00:35:11] In Nicaragua in the 80s, the United
[00:35:13] States tried to overthrow the leftist
[00:35:15] government there. They sponsored the
[00:35:17] Contras who were deeply involved in the
[00:35:20] cocaine trade, flooding the United
[00:35:22] States uh with cocaine. Um in Bolivia,
[00:35:25] the Bolivia uh the government in the
[00:35:27] 2000s kicked out the drug enforcement
[00:35:29] agency and uh cocaine production dropped
[00:35:33] off a cliff there. So when we see the
[00:35:36] United States getting more involved uh
[00:35:38] in the so-called war against drugs, time
[00:35:41] after time, we see drug production
[00:35:42] actually going up. So that would be my
[00:35:44] prediction. Uh apart from that, I'm I
[00:35:47] don't want to place any bets on what
[00:35:48] Trump is actually thinking. But I I
[00:35:51] think Leonardo hit the nail on the head.
[00:35:54] >> Absolutely. And you know, just listening
[00:35:56] to everybody and just un, you know,
[00:35:58] because of us report press reporting on
[00:36:01] this issue for such a long time and
[00:36:03] myself and Allan have having visited
[00:36:05] Venezuela, a lot of the destabilization
[00:36:08] efforts that the United States has put
[00:36:10] on Venezuela seem to be coming from the
[00:36:13] same playbook uh borrowed from other
[00:36:17] countries the United States has tried to
[00:36:19] destabilize and overthrow their
[00:36:21] governments uh similar to Venezuela like
[00:36:24] that in Syria. Syria, Iraq and Libya.
[00:36:26] Diego, do you agree with that
[00:36:28] assessment?
[00:36:30] >> No, absolutely. I mean, and you can even
[00:36:33] there's like let's call it this kind of
[00:36:35] crosspollinization between one
[00:36:36] experience and the other one. I mean
[00:36:38] each one enriches and updates the next
[00:36:42] one. I mean and actually this if you I
[00:36:46] mean there's a book by Greg Brandon for
[00:36:48] example called Empire's workshop.
[00:36:50] basically the and the central premises
[00:36:52] of it is all these attempts all these
[00:36:55] models that have been played out since
[00:36:57] the early 20th century in Latin America
[00:37:00] are the ones that are used that are used
[00:37:02] afterwards somewhere else including even
[00:37:04] dropping bombs in World War I. I think
[00:37:06] it had to do with how they bombed in it
[00:37:08] and and Dominican Republic in the early
[00:37:11] years of 20th century. The same with
[00:37:13] Nicaragua and also talking about Syria
[00:37:16] when it all started it was the contra
[00:37:19] model. I mean this weird third force
[00:37:22] that got involved between the protesters
[00:37:25] and the government and suddenly it
[00:37:26] started disappearing and killing people
[00:37:28] and and yeah extrajudically killing
[00:37:31] people that later on it turned out it
[00:37:34] was all these Wahhabi factions that were
[00:37:36] doing this. That's a contra model. And
[00:37:38] actually you had I forgot his name.
[00:37:41] Robert Ford the ambassador for the US
[00:37:44] there was number two from John Negro
[00:37:46] Ponte Honduras. So it's it's clearly it
[00:37:51] was a contraption back then. So yeah
[00:37:52] what I'm saying here is it's clearly
[00:37:53] connected and one experience brings to
[00:37:56] the other and
[00:37:58] perhaps the most the most obvious one
[00:38:00] the there are two obvious connections
[00:38:02] here. The first one it's I mean in this
[00:38:05] empire toolbox which is one of them it's
[00:38:08] um the nora experience for once which is
[00:38:12] it has a different context and a
[00:38:14] different evolution but of course uh
[00:38:16] they actually got to arrest the guy
[00:38:19] inside Panama after bombing the crap out
[00:38:22] of Panama
[00:38:24] and um but the other one it's even
[00:38:26] closer to home to in time I mean which
[00:38:29] is the WMD 20038 thing I They're just
[00:38:33] exploiting a figment of imagination. But
[00:38:36] there is a precedent here the same as it
[00:38:39] as it was in regarding Iraq that
[00:38:42] eventually at some point they did have
[00:38:44] although they dismantled uh chemical
[00:38:47] weapons program and even before that
[00:38:49] they had like nuclear plants in 82 that
[00:38:52] was actually you know was bombed by
[00:38:53] Israel back then. But um in this case
[00:38:59] uh and I'm picking up what Alan was
[00:39:02] saying regarding the drug trade vene
[00:39:07] during the 80s and the 90s actually
[00:39:11] there was a major cocaine supply coming
[00:39:13] from Venezuela ran by the anti-drugs
[00:39:17] star in Venezuela who was a brigadeier
[00:39:19] general from the national guard
[00:39:25] Ramona. Yeah.
[00:39:28] Who was actually at some point he was
[00:39:29] indicted because he was caught trying to
[00:39:31] send a ton and a half of cocaine after
[00:39:34] he was already doing it a long time with
[00:39:36] the help of the CIA. It was the DA who
[00:39:38] caught him afterwards. There's even a 60
[00:39:41] minutes Max
[00:39:43] posted the other day on Twitter. Max
[00:39:45] Blumenthal. We were talking about it in
[00:39:46] uh before and um it shows precisely what
[00:39:50] they were doing, what some security
[00:39:55] personnel in Venezuela was actually
[00:39:57] doing, collaborating, sending cocaine to
[00:39:58] the US in the '9s, just like in
[00:40:01] Nicaragua, just like in Bolivia. So that
[00:40:03] also stopped. That's the moment, that's
[00:40:06] the actual origin of El Cartel de Solo
[00:40:08] in singular back then. It was a name
[00:40:11] that disappeared suddenly, but it was in
[00:40:14] 2005 when Venezuela cut ties with the
[00:40:16] DEA that it reappeared in a Miami Herald
[00:40:19] piece by an unnamed top diplomat in the
[00:40:24] country, which is easily to deduce it
[00:40:26] was William Brownfield, of course. But
[00:40:28] so there's this I mean the cart de loses
[00:40:33] uh tag comes from a CIA creation back in
[00:40:37] the '9s
[00:40:39] during well
[00:40:41] while they were funding themselves with
[00:40:42] cocaine trade and then sending cocaine
[00:40:44] to Florida.
[00:40:47] Cocaine that was indicted in Venezuela.
[00:40:50] So you have that element there and then
[00:40:52] and then it of course it took a light of
[00:40:54] itself life a life of its own throughout
[00:40:56] the years but that connection I think
[00:40:58] it's important the same with oil the
[00:41:01] same which is far more obvious I mean
[00:41:04] because the story thinks is a narrative
[00:41:06] element
[00:41:07] >> but also the way the unrestrained
[00:41:09] oil supply that they had back then
[00:41:14] it changed when Venezuela had well
[00:41:16] sovereign government and started to
[00:41:18] regulate the oil supply and opening
[00:41:21] their opening our offer to partners
[00:41:25] around the world and not an exclusive
[00:41:26] relationship with the US. So this is
[00:41:29] also part of it and part of of the of
[00:41:32] the problem. Now regarding the other
[00:41:33] element which is what could happen now I
[00:41:37] also share the view of of of both my
[00:41:40] friends here Alan and Leonardo
[00:41:42] and you won't with 4,000 Marines you're
[00:41:46] not going to do anything significant but
[00:41:47] with 1200 AGis missiles you could I
[00:41:52] think that's the main danger here and
[00:41:54] also because like I was saying before
[00:41:56] something also didn't add up the four
[00:41:59] thousand Marines could make sense if
[00:42:02] there was some internal strife going on
[00:42:04] or some armed insurgency being
[00:42:06] successful inside Venezuela which is not
[00:42:09] happening. So regardless at this moment
[00:42:12] in time where it's September the 10th
[00:42:16] it's more about fear-mongering and
[00:42:19] trying to find to reach some breaking
[00:42:21] point in order to see if the government
[00:42:23] collapses of the sort of or the society
[00:42:26] rise up or whatever. Now they're in
[00:42:29] social media you can see people already
[00:42:30] wanting to do the Nepal thing you know
[00:42:33] but it's at this point it's still just
[00:42:36] there but it does do some harm
[00:42:38] economically of course this has been one
[00:42:41] of the best months in regarding oil
[00:42:44] supply and oil sales from Venezuela and
[00:42:47] you can't uh disconnect one thing from
[00:42:50] the other one. So there's also a rush
[00:42:52] here in order to not allow Venezuela to
[00:42:55] even recover even more because when you
[00:42:57] were here man in 2021 things were
[00:42:59] improving already but things are are
[00:43:01] better now.
[00:43:03] >> I mean it's not that that there are not
[00:43:05] problems we have major issues still and
[00:43:07] we when we're still under the sanctions
[00:43:09] program but um things are better than
[00:43:12] they were before. So that's also I think
[00:43:15] a reason that that they're pushing this
[00:43:17] and there's another one. You can think
[00:43:19] of Marco Rubio now as the most dangerous
[00:43:21] president in the world even more
[00:43:22] dangerous than Netanyahu and actually
[00:43:25] one of the most powerful persons in the
[00:43:26] world as well because he's has a dual
[00:43:29] and not a dual a triple uh score there.
[00:43:33] He is his state department I mean he's
[00:43:36] the the state secretary. He is uh the
[00:43:40] national security adviser interim but he
[00:43:42] is and he also is the main interventor
[00:43:46] of USAD.
[00:43:48] So he has like three very important
[00:43:51] power structures that actually deal with
[00:43:53] this kind of things in a moment that you
[00:43:55] know the world is going kind of bonkers.
[00:43:56] Think about Nepal. Think about the the
[00:43:59] the
[00:44:01] armed confrontation in Cambodian
[00:44:02] Thailand a few months ago, a few weeks
[00:44:05] ago. Think about all this going on
[00:44:07] precisely at this moment. And I and he
[00:44:09] knows he can might be running out of
[00:44:11] time. He know he could lose Trump's ear
[00:44:13] at any given time and lose whatever. So
[00:44:16] this is his opportunity. That's why he's
[00:44:18] pushing so hard.
[00:44:21] >> That's a really interesting uh analysis
[00:44:23] about you know the world is in just
[00:44:25] chaos right now and uh this is Trump's
[00:44:28] moment to do what he needs to do in
[00:44:31] Venezuela. I think a lot of people um
[00:44:35] are curious to know is, you know, why
[00:44:38] does the United States care so much
[00:44:39] about overthrowing Venezuela? And I
[00:44:41] think we answered that in different ways
[00:44:43] um throughout this conversation. And
[00:44:45] maybe one of the most obvious ones is
[00:44:48] that the United States and you know,
[00:44:49] companies like Exxon Mobile want access
[00:44:51] to Venezuela's oil. Um but another
[00:44:54] aspect is that Venezuela holds this
[00:44:57] massive mineral reserve that the
[00:45:01] military industrial complex wants to get
[00:45:03] a hold of. The same kind of min minerals
[00:45:05] that are fueling our our tick our tech
[00:45:08] industry um for the same reason why
[00:45:12] Congo has been uh the victim of
[00:45:15] modern-day colonialism.
[00:45:17] And so then we also have, you know, the
[00:45:20] fact that Venezuela is building trade
[00:45:23] agreements with countries like Iran,
[00:45:26] countries like China and Russia, and
[00:45:27] it's giving them access to the oil and
[00:45:30] the minerals and not the United States,
[00:45:32] but also because Venezuela was kind of
[00:45:34] pushed in a corner, sanctioned and
[00:45:37] didn't really have much of a choice
[00:45:39] other than to create these economic
[00:45:42] ties. Leonardo, can you expand on those
[00:45:45] points?
[00:45:47] Yeah, I mean I think we first have to
[00:45:49] look back to when Venezuela was first
[00:45:51] sanctioned and that was 2006 by the Bush
[00:45:54] administration that imposed a sanction
[00:45:56] on weapon sales. Up to that point, as
[00:45:58] Alan and as Diego were saying uh in the
[00:46:01] up to the '90s when Chhattis was
[00:46:03] elected, Venezuela was a very close ally
[00:46:05] of the United States and basically
[00:46:07] bought almost its entire weapon systems
[00:46:09] from the United States. So when Bush
[00:46:11] does that, it forces Venezuela to go to
[00:46:13] other countries for its military needs.
[00:46:16] And one of the things about that
[00:46:17] particular sanction was that it it
[00:46:19] didn't allow any US components, which
[00:46:21] most NATO countries that deal in weapons
[00:46:23] use US components in one way or another,
[00:46:25] forcing Venezuela basically to buy from
[00:46:27] China, from Russia, and from Iran. So
[00:46:30] that it's it's basically the United
[00:46:32] States kind of shooting itself in the
[00:46:33] foot and creating these conditions to
[00:46:36] have some sort of adversary in South
[00:46:38] America when Venezuela doesn't has
[00:46:39] doesn't want to view that relationship
[00:46:41] with the US as necessarily an
[00:46:43] adversarial one. And when we look at why
[00:46:45] the United States is going after
[00:46:46] Venezuela, you mentioned it, right? It's
[00:46:48] gold, it's oil, it's minerals, it's
[00:46:50] gold, it's all these resources. Laura
[00:46:52] Richardson, who was the head of Southern
[00:46:54] Command, um, a a couple of years ago,
[00:46:57] she did this really notorious interview
[00:46:59] in which she basically listed all of the
[00:47:01] resources that are in South America and
[00:47:03] said that the United States has to do
[00:47:05] whatever it can to get access to those
[00:47:07] minerals and resources. So, this is a
[00:47:09] long-term plan to take control not just
[00:47:11] of of Venezuela's oil, but its rare
[00:47:13] earth minerals, its boxite, its gold,
[00:47:15] its water, whatever you want. The thing
[00:47:17] is when Venezuela n reationalized its
[00:47:20] oil industry under Chavez, it didn't
[00:47:22] kick out the United States companies,
[00:47:24] right? Chevron all has stayed in
[00:47:26] Venezuela. Chevron's been in Venezuela
[00:47:27] for over a hundred years if I'm not
[00:47:29] mistaken. But Exxon left and Exxon left
[00:47:32] because they didn't like the deal and
[00:47:33] they sued Venezuela for about $10
[00:47:35] billion in these international courts
[00:47:37] and they won an award of about a billion
[00:47:40] a half dollars. And since then, Exxon
[00:47:42] has had uh painted a target on
[00:47:44] Venezuela. And what we're seeing now is
[00:47:46] some of those the Exxon's labor comes to
[00:47:49] fruition because Exxon has heavily
[00:47:51] invested in Guyana and Venezuela and
[00:47:54] Guyana have a border and they have a
[00:47:55] border dispute that dates back to
[00:47:57] colonial times. And now Exxon is using
[00:47:59] this border dispute to kind of push uh
[00:48:02] Venezuela onto a confrontation with the
[00:48:04] United States. We have to remember that
[00:48:06] the president of Exxon at one point was
[00:48:08] Rex Tillerson and he was invested
[00:48:11] heavily in Guyana right before he then
[00:48:13] becomes Trump's first secretary of
[00:48:15] state. And then Rex Tillerson as as
[00:48:18] Secretary of State is one of the very
[00:48:20] first ones in the Trump administration
[00:48:21] to threaten a war on Venezuela to say
[00:48:24] that if there's a coup in Venezuela, the
[00:48:25] United States would welcome it. And so
[00:48:27] we see all the paper trail that really
[00:48:29] heads to Exxon trying to ferment and
[00:48:31] trying to push for some sort of conflict
[00:48:33] with Venezuela. So resources and control
[00:48:35] of resources is a big part of the story
[00:48:37] here. But another part of the story
[00:48:39] because it's not just oil, it's about
[00:48:40] geopolitical control. And since Chavis
[00:48:43] came into power, Venezuela has, you
[00:48:45] know, exercised an independent foreign
[00:48:46] policy. And that for the United States
[00:48:48] is a huge crime in terms of Latin
[00:48:50] America because any country that tries
[00:48:52] to exercise independence in a very real
[00:48:54] way becomes under the foot of the of the
[00:48:57] US government, whether it's Kuba,
[00:48:59] Nicarawa, Venezuela, Bolivia, you name
[00:49:01] it. And so that kind of explains that
[00:49:03] it's not just oil because Cuba and
[00:49:04] Nicaragua don't have the resources that
[00:49:06] Venezuela has and yet they are under
[00:49:08] very similar pressures. So there's all
[00:49:10] these factors, but yes, of course, oil
[00:49:12] and geopolitics are the two main ones.
[00:49:16] >> Absolutely. And I I I know we don't have
[00:49:17] a lot of time left, but I I want to end
[00:49:19] talking about uh Gaza because, you know,
[00:49:23] it's an it's a tragedy that's taking
[00:49:24] place before our eyes. It's being live
[00:49:26] streamed, a genocide um on our
[00:49:28] smartphones. And uh when I was in
[00:49:31] Karakas, I couldn't help but notice
[00:49:34] walking through the streets uh graffiti
[00:49:37] all over the streets of Karakas calling
[00:49:39] Netanyahu a baby killer and uh fists in
[00:49:43] solidarity with the people of Palestine.
[00:49:47] And from what I know, Hugo Chavez made
[00:49:50] Palestine a national cause for the
[00:49:53] people of Venezuela. you know, Venezuela
[00:49:57] has been resisting US imperialism on the
[00:50:01] international stage, not just from, you
[00:50:04] know, pushing back against sanctions,
[00:50:05] but standing on the right side of
[00:50:07] history and standing against US colonial
[00:50:10] and Israeli colonial projects, including
[00:50:14] Palestine. And so, I want to talk about
[00:50:17] um how these two issues are
[00:50:20] fundamentally part of the same story.
[00:50:22] Alan, can you explain that to us?
[00:50:26] Oh yeah, it's all part of the same world
[00:50:28] system. They're so interconnected.
[00:50:30] Um last year I was speaking to the
[00:50:33] Palestinian ambassador in Caracus and he
[00:50:35] said that Venezuela was the leader of
[00:50:39] the world in terms of Palestinian
[00:50:41] solidarity. And as you said, Manar, if
[00:50:43] you go to Venezuela, you can really see
[00:50:45] this. You can see Palestinian murals
[00:50:47] everywhere, flags draped out there. Um
[00:50:50] there's uh yeah, as I said, murals of um
[00:50:54] uh famous Palestinian poets, writers,
[00:50:56] you'll even see uh people like Hassan
[00:50:58] Nazalla on the walls. And for the
[00:51:02] longest time, I mean, Hugo Chavez, as
[00:51:03] you said, made Palestine an issue. This
[00:51:05] was more than 15 years ago, he condemned
[00:51:08] uh Israel as a terrorist state and broke
[00:51:10] off relations uh with Israel. And you
[00:51:14] know even at the the last national
[00:51:15] elections when President Maduro cast his
[00:51:18] ballot and you know in front of all the
[00:51:20] TV cameras what did he say? He said long
[00:51:22] live free Palestine. That's what he
[00:51:24] decided to say in that you know 5-second
[00:51:27] sound bite where they would be played to
[00:51:29] the nation and be played all around the
[00:51:31] world. And on the other side of that,
[00:51:33] Maria Karina Machado, which was who was
[00:51:36] one of the the leaders of the opposition
[00:51:38] in Venezuela, she said that uh our
[00:51:41] struggle is Israel's struggle. That's
[00:51:43] what her message was. So these things
[00:51:45] are really completely connected in the
[00:51:47] minds of people all around the world.
[00:51:49] And you see this in Latin America as
[00:51:51] well. If you see rallies for right-wing
[00:51:53] forces, if you watch like a Bolsinaro
[00:51:55] rally, there's always the US flag and
[00:51:57] the Israeli flag there. And you know
[00:52:00] when in 2019 when uh the coup against
[00:52:03] Evo Morales happened, Israel came out
[00:52:05] and immediately said this is a victory
[00:52:07] against anti-semitism in the world. What
[00:52:10] did he mean by that? I mean Israel is
[00:52:13] actually has a considerable impact in
[00:52:15] Latin America. I mean it trained
[00:52:17] right-wing death squads around the
[00:52:19] region. Um so much so that it's just
[00:52:22] become normalized. I mean, the president
[00:52:24] of Colombia, Juan, Manuel Santos, he
[00:52:27] actually did an ad for an Israeli
[00:52:29] mercenary firm while he was president
[00:52:32] and he appeared in that. That's how
[00:52:34] normalized the sort of um Israeli
[00:52:36] military footprint is in many places in
[00:52:39] Latin America. So, I mean, yeah, these
[00:52:42] are all interlin. We're talking about
[00:52:44] one part of the uh the global empire
[00:52:46] here in another place. But ultimately
[00:52:49] all oppressed peoples see themselves in
[00:52:51] Palestine and all oppressors see
[00:52:53] themselves in Israel. In fact, many
[00:52:55] Latin Americans even see Israel as a
[00:52:57] model, you know, a white settler
[00:52:59] colonial state. That's what they want to
[00:53:01] uh implant on their countries because
[00:53:03] Latin America is very racially diverse.
[00:53:05] But when we look at a socially and on
[00:53:08] the class basis, the poor are mostly
[00:53:10] black and the black are mostly poor. And
[00:53:14] regardless of where you are, there's
[00:53:16] always a light-skinned elite in these
[00:53:18] countries. And so, yeah, the struggle
[00:53:20] against colonialism and empire is the
[00:53:22] same all around the world. And people in
[00:53:24] the global south understand that.
[00:53:27] >> One of the best trips and most memorable
[00:53:30] trips I took was to Venezuela in 2021.
[00:53:34] And I was extremely angered while I was
[00:53:37] there. I was inspired by the movement,
[00:53:39] but I was completely angered by the fact
[00:53:43] that the United States was sabotaging
[00:53:45] Venezuela in every way possible and
[00:53:48] trying to suffocate the people there
[00:53:50] through sanctions and preventing them
[00:53:52] from importing very basic parts uh for
[00:53:57] their machinery, for example, and
[00:53:59] preventing lifesaving medicine like
[00:54:02] diabetes medicine for the people in
[00:54:05] Venezuela that were suffering.
[00:54:07] Um but I was also completely in awe at
[00:54:10] the kindness, the generosity and the
[00:54:13] solidarity that people showed with the
[00:54:15] people of Palestine. You know, I was
[00:54:18] walking in Karacas with my hijab as a
[00:54:20] Palestinian and I was like the only one
[00:54:22] who looked like that and everyone was
[00:54:24] just giving me hugs and you know,
[00:54:27] putting their fist up for Palestine. was
[00:54:29] really beautiful to see and so it was
[00:54:32] just something I'll never forget. And so
[00:54:34] I thank you all for um all of the
[00:54:37] historical context that you provided and
[00:54:40] helping us understand the situation in
[00:54:43] Venezuela. But before we go, I just want
[00:54:45] to say one more time that Mint Press is
[00:54:49] in need of everybody's support who's
[00:54:51] listening to this and watching this
[00:54:53] segment. One of our main lines of
[00:54:55] funding has been cut. And so we did
[00:54:57] launch a campaign on Indiegogo and
[00:55:00] please support us in any way that you
[00:55:02] can. We are in an emergency uh
[00:55:05] fundraising uh state right now. Thank
[00:55:08] you so much gentlemen for joining me
[00:55:09] today.
[00:55:10] >> Thank you.
[00:55:12] >> You
[00:55:14] [Music]
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