Trump’s Cartel Hoax: How Washington Uses Venezuela to Sell War
📄 Extracted Text (9,084 words)
[00:00:03] [Music]
[00:00:08] Hello everyone and welcome to Midcast,
[00:00:10] the official podcast of Mitpress News. I
[00:00:13] am your host Manara Adley and I'm the
[00:00:15] founder and director of Mint Press News.
[00:00:19] It seems that the United States is ready
[00:00:21] for yet another war, another
[00:00:24] confrontation. It's trying to start a
[00:00:26] war now with Venezuela. The Trump
[00:00:28] administration has sent a fleet of
[00:00:31] warships alongside thousands of soldiers
[00:00:34] to the Caribbean, even blowing up a
[00:00:36] Venezuelan ship it claimed was involved
[00:00:39] in the drug trade. But Washington has
[00:00:42] had its eyes on regime change in
[00:00:44] Venezuela for decades, sponsoring coups,
[00:00:47] opposition movements, and military
[00:00:49] operations against the socialist
[00:00:51] government. So, how close are we to yet
[00:00:54] another forever war? It's almost like we
[00:00:57] can't keep up from the current war that
[00:00:59] the United States is backing with Israel
[00:01:01] and its genocide and its occupation
[00:01:06] and its agitation of other countries
[00:01:08] including the latest bombing in Qatar,
[00:01:12] Lebanon, Tunisia with the Sumud
[00:01:14] flatillas. It is just ongoing and it
[00:01:17] feels like we can't keep up. Um, but we
[00:01:20] will be dismantling some of the
[00:01:22] propaganda when it comes to this crisis,
[00:01:25] uh, this buildup for an invasion of
[00:01:28] Venezuela. I am joined by three people
[00:01:31] today to discuss this issue. Joining
[00:01:33] from Karacas is Diego Sequera. He is a
[00:01:37] journalist, a writer, and local and with
[00:01:40] the local media outlet Mission Verdad.
[00:01:43] Also joining me is Leonardo Flores. He
[00:01:46] is the co-founder of the Venezuela
[00:01:48] Solidarity Network and a former analyst
[00:01:51] with the Venezuelan Embassy in
[00:01:53] Washington DC. And finally, we have the
[00:01:56] brilliant Alan Mloud who's also here. He
[00:01:59] is our senior staff writer and lead
[00:02:02] investigative journalist at Mitress
[00:02:04] News. and you know he has completed his
[00:02:07] PhD on the topic of Venezuelan politics
[00:02:10] and wrote the book bad news from
[00:02:13] Venezuela 20 years of fake news and
[00:02:15] misreporting. Make sure to order his
[00:02:17] book and check that out. I feel so
[00:02:20] humbled to be here with all of you uh
[00:02:22] gentlemen. Um you guys are definitely
[00:02:25] this is like the all-star team to talk
[00:02:26] about what's happening in Venezuela and
[00:02:29] of course I wish it was under better
[00:02:30] circumstances. Thank you gentlemen for
[00:02:32] joining me today.
[00:02:35] Thank you, Lee.
[00:02:36] >> Thank you. It's a pleasure to be on Mint
[00:02:38] Press and I hope uh viewers continue to
[00:02:39] support the great journalism that you
[00:02:41] you all are doing.
[00:02:43] >> Really appreciate that. And before we
[00:02:46] get on into the show, I do have a
[00:02:48] special announcement to make. If if
[00:02:50] you've been following Mitress News, you
[00:02:52] might have noticed that we launched a
[00:02:54] recent campaign on Indiegogo. Mit Press
[00:02:56] News is facing an ex existential threat.
[00:03:00] After 14 years of providing fearless
[00:03:03] independent investigative journalism
[00:03:05] that holds the military-industrial
[00:03:07] complex accountable, we are actually now
[00:03:10] at risk of shutting down. Um, one of our
[00:03:13] main lines of funding has been cut and
[00:03:15] so we need every single person who's
[00:03:17] watching us today to go on Indiegogo and
[00:03:21] support our campaign. You know, if
[00:03:23] you've been following us for the 14
[00:03:25] years or even just from the couple of
[00:03:26] years, you might already know that we
[00:03:28] were banned from PayPal. Algorithmically
[00:03:30] blacklisted from Google um from their
[00:03:34] project Owl. We've been algorithmically
[00:03:37] shadowbanned on Twitter, Facebook, and
[00:03:39] Tik Tok. We were banned actually from
[00:03:41] Tik Tok. And it's all because of our
[00:03:42] reporting that names the name names the
[00:03:45] names. And so we are asking you, our
[00:03:48] viewers and readers, the lifeblood of
[00:03:50] our independent organization, to support
[00:03:53] Mitt Press News as we continue to
[00:03:55] challenge and scrutinize empire,
[00:03:58] imperialism, and the militaryindustrial
[00:04:01] complex. It is because of independent
[00:04:04] journalism that people are becoming more
[00:04:06] aware in the United States about the
[00:04:09] United States addiction to war. So, your
[00:04:12] support means everything to us to help
[00:04:15] us keep on going. Join us on Indiegogo.
[00:04:19] So, let's um turn back to what we uh
[00:04:23] were planning on talking to, which is
[00:04:25] Venezuela right now. It's completely
[00:04:28] disturbing what the United States is
[00:04:30] doing, having its warships encircling
[00:04:33] the country. The Trump administration
[00:04:36] has placed a $50 million bounty on
[00:04:39] President Maduro's head. So Diego, I
[00:04:41] want to start with you. As someone who
[00:04:43] is who is Venezuelan, who is there as a
[00:04:46] journalist, what is the sentiment right
[00:04:48] now inside of Venezuela with the United
[00:04:50] States having its warheads pointed
[00:04:52] directly at your country? What is the
[00:04:54] situation on the ground right now?
[00:04:58] >> Thank you, man. It's a pleasure to be
[00:05:00] here and of course you know you're well
[00:05:03] aware you got my full support given the
[00:05:06] new challenges, a new round of
[00:05:07] challenges for you. I'm sure you're
[00:05:09] going to overcome
[00:05:11] regarding the situation in here. Well,
[00:05:13] you know, Venezuela has gone through so
[00:05:16] much that the first noise I guess it's
[00:05:20] not so paralyzing or shocking. People
[00:05:22] are about their own business. I'm in a
[00:05:24] very bustling area of Karakas which it
[00:05:28] could be a good benchmark to measure
[00:05:30] what how Karakas at least it's it's
[00:05:32] behaving these days and it's it kind of
[00:05:36] gives the impression that basically
[00:05:37] nothing is happening or will happen but
[00:05:40] of course this has to do with like I
[00:05:42] said it has to a lot to do with this is
[00:05:45] not the first time not even the first
[00:05:47] time of of threats of military action
[00:05:50] and um
[00:05:52] and besides the point. I mean, until
[00:05:55] something really happens, I think we're
[00:05:57] going to we're not going to see the
[00:05:58] actual reaction of people. But beyond
[00:06:00] that point, I mean, during on the on a
[00:06:02] more media and political level, you can
[00:06:04] see also that uh our president has
[00:06:07] called for enlisting in the national
[00:06:10] militia uh which is a component of the
[00:06:13] of our armed forces
[00:06:16] couple of weeks ago and
[00:06:18] a lot of people basically joined and
[00:06:20] signed up. huge numbers they said and
[00:06:24] they talk about even 8 million uh make
[00:06:28] that whatever you want you want about it
[00:06:30] I'm sure that it's a lot of people
[00:06:32] anyways and um and you know this also
[00:06:36] goes beyond the sphere of charisma
[00:06:38] itself
[00:06:40] there are I don't know how aware
[00:06:43] the US is probably not I mean usually
[00:06:45] this is also usually based on flaw
[00:06:47] analysis that set up a strategy and um
[00:06:52] and usually bring brings a lot of bloods
[00:06:53] with with them that also at some point
[00:06:56] becomes blowback.
[00:06:58] I don't know how sure they are, how
[00:07:00] aware they are of the let's call it the
[00:07:02] nationalist vein, the environment vein
[00:07:04] that not necessarily means that a
[00:07:06] Venezuelan citizen necessarily supports
[00:07:09] government support charisma
[00:07:11] but when and even looking for change for
[00:07:16] political change but one thing is to
[00:07:18] have those ideas and another one is to
[00:07:22] be threatened directly by the US for
[00:07:24] regent change in this case because of
[00:07:25] course you can clearly see through the
[00:07:29] accusations of the cart or whatever. We
[00:07:31] can talk about that further on. But um
[00:07:35] you can't stop this and think that
[00:07:39] people beyond that phrase is not going
[00:07:40] to react or oppose. They're already even
[00:07:42] opposition politicians that already said
[00:07:45] that in any any given situation of this
[00:07:47] sort hypothetical attack our president
[00:07:51] it's Nicolas Maluro and this is our
[00:07:53] country. We're going to defend it. Of
[00:07:54] course there's also a fringe spectrum
[00:07:58] here of people who are
[00:08:00] some you can say uh wishful think
[00:08:03] wishfulfully thinking and then you have
[00:08:05] from the extremist factions of the
[00:08:06] opposition you have people who are
[00:08:07] actually craving for this because this
[00:08:09] would do their work you know as in
[00:08:11] finding what they call an easiest direct
[00:08:14] way of breaking change which is not
[00:08:16] that's part of this flaw analysis we've
[00:08:18] been talking about. So
[00:08:21] right now I mean like I said you don't
[00:08:24] get the feel properly unless you check
[00:08:26] out the news unless you are following
[00:08:28] what the the recent states and with the
[00:08:31] footage we've seen from southern Puerto
[00:08:32] Rico or so or the you know what the
[00:08:36] president the vice president Marco Rubio
[00:08:38] everyone has been saying about
[00:08:39] Venezuela. So
[00:08:43] one has to be of course have to be
[00:08:45] cautious and we don't expect the best of
[00:08:47] the situation right now but there's no
[00:08:49] fear on the street which is like the
[00:08:50] main headline I would I would choose to
[00:08:54] sum up the situation here right now
[00:08:56] >> we're talking about a country who is led
[00:09:00] by a revolutionary vision by Hugo Chavez
[00:09:04] a workers revolution and he famously
[00:09:06] called the United States the great Satan
[00:09:09] and for good reason. I mean, Venezuela
[00:09:11] has been the target of US imperialist um
[00:09:15] sabotage against this country for
[00:09:17] decades and including coups. And when I
[00:09:21] visited Venezuela
[00:09:23] a few years ago, Diego, you were one of
[00:09:25] the people that hosted me there. I mean,
[00:09:28] I was I was there as an independent um
[00:09:31] election observer and I met with people
[00:09:34] and I walked through the streets and it
[00:09:37] was just so beautiful to see just how
[00:09:38] much support people had for the
[00:09:41] revolution that Nicholas Maduro was
[00:09:43] carrying on. And it was obvious that
[00:09:47] Venezuela is a country that res
[00:09:50] represents resistance to US imperialism.
[00:09:53] And it does not surprise me that every
[00:09:55] single attempt that the US has made to
[00:09:57] overthrow the government in Venezuela
[00:09:59] has failed. They've failed. Every single
[00:10:02] one of them because the people there,
[00:10:03] the majority of the people stand with
[00:10:05] the revolution and they stand with Hugo
[00:10:08] Chavez and they stand with Nicolos
[00:10:10] Maduro. So it would not surprise me that
[00:10:13] 8 million people joined uh this force to
[00:10:16] defend their country from US sabotage.
[00:10:20] And so, Leonardo, um, you know, I think
[00:10:23] it's really important that we break down
[00:10:25] and dismantle the these, uh, neo narot
[00:10:30] trafficking, uh, accusations that are
[00:10:33] being
[00:10:35] put on Nicholas Maduro himself. So, what
[00:10:37] do you make of these allegations about
[00:10:38] Maduro and about Venezuela being a drug
[00:10:42] producing hot spot?
[00:10:45] >> Yeah, I mean, all the evidence runs
[00:10:47] counter to that to that claim, right?
[00:10:49] that Venezuela somehow is a drug
[00:10:50] producing hot spot. In fact, when we
[00:10:52] look at the numbers, and these are
[00:10:53] numbers that the DEA agrees with, it's
[00:10:55] that Venezuela produces zero cocaine. It
[00:10:58] does not grow cocoa leaf. It does not at
[00:11:01] the at most at most 5% of the cocaine
[00:11:04] produced in South America flows out of
[00:11:07] Venezuela as a transit country. So, the
[00:11:10] the bulk of the cocaine rather than
[00:11:12] flowing out of the Caribbean flows
[00:11:14] through the Pacific. We're talking 87%.
[00:11:16] 70% and this is a figure that just came
[00:11:19] out pretty recently that they estimate
[00:11:21] that 70% of the cocaine in the world
[00:11:23] flows actually out of Ecuador which has
[00:11:25] a Pacific coastline. So this idea that
[00:11:27] somehow the United States is sending its
[00:11:29] warships to the Caribbean to the
[00:11:31] Venezuelan coast or right outside on
[00:11:33] international waters to protect American
[00:11:36] citizens from drugs. It's ludicrous
[00:11:38] because if you wanted to do that first
[00:11:40] of all you wouldn't use the military for
[00:11:42] that. We know we know from 50 years
[00:11:44] almost of the war on drugs that a war
[00:11:46] that has completely failed that
[00:11:48] militarizing this war or militarizing
[00:11:50] this problem rather is not a solution.
[00:11:53] Secondly, the cocaine is hardly the big
[00:11:56] problem in the United States right now
[00:11:58] when we're talking about drug use and
[00:11:59] overdoses and when we see people on the
[00:12:01] streets of our cities that are suffering
[00:12:03] from addiction. It's opioids, it's
[00:12:05] fentinyl, it's heroin, it's other things
[00:12:07] that not cocaine, right? Cocaine was a
[00:12:10] big problem back in the 80s, early 90s.
[00:12:12] Now, not as much. It's it's other drugs
[00:12:14] that Venezuela doesn't produce at all.
[00:12:16] Fentinel, there's no fentinel in
[00:12:17] Venezuela that goes to the United
[00:12:18] States. So, so, so this is a myth that
[00:12:21] really we have to take down and we have
[00:12:23] to debunk, right? And then when we talk
[00:12:26] about these narco terrorism charges, I
[00:12:29] mean, this is absurd, right? I mean, I
[00:12:31] challenge anyone to name one terrorist
[00:12:33] act that the Bolivarian government has
[00:12:35] carried out in the past 26 27 years
[00:12:38] since it was first elected. There's
[00:12:39] there's none. The drug charges
[00:12:42] themselves, you know, they they focus on
[00:12:44] the trendawa. They focus on the cartel
[00:12:46] dees, but then their own reports really
[00:12:50] undercut their arguments. When I say
[00:12:51] their own reports, I'm talking about uh
[00:12:53] the United States intelligence services
[00:12:55] and and other agencies. So, for example,
[00:12:58] there was this memo that was uh leaked
[00:13:00] in I think believe it was May from the
[00:13:02] National Intelligence Council. And here
[00:13:04] I'm going to read a quote where it says,
[00:13:06] "The Maduro regime probably does not
[00:13:08] have a policy of cooperating with TDA,
[00:13:11] TDA's Trenderawa, and is not directing
[00:13:13] TDA movements and operations in the
[00:13:16] United States.
[00:13:18] Venezuelan intelligence, military, and
[00:13:20] police services view TDA as a security
[00:13:22] threat and operate against it in ways
[00:13:25] that make it highly unlikely the two
[00:13:27] sides would cooperate in a strategic or
[00:13:29] consistent way. So, right away, this is
[00:13:32] the top levels of US intelligence
[00:13:34] acknowledging that TDA not only doesn't
[00:13:37] work with Venezuela, but that Venezuela
[00:13:38] views it as a threat. And in fact, the
[00:13:41] TDA was functionally destroyed by the
[00:13:43] Venezuelan security forces in 2022,
[00:13:46] 2023. And now what we have are remnants
[00:13:48] of the TDA throughout the hemisphere
[00:13:50] that kind of act as a loose network or
[00:13:52] that trade on this TDA name to kind of
[00:13:55] further their criminal enterprises. On
[00:13:57] top of that, let me just read a quick
[00:13:59] quote from the DEA's National Drug
[00:14:01] Threat Assessment. This is a a yearly
[00:14:04] report that the DEA issues. And in the
[00:14:06] 2025 report, they say TDA members also
[00:14:09] conduct smallcale drug trafficking
[00:14:12] activities. So in this drug DEA report,
[00:14:16] the only mentions of Venezuela are in
[00:14:18] this two these two paragraphs about TDA
[00:14:20] where they don't even say that it's a
[00:14:22] cartel and they don't go into
[00:14:24] naroterrorism. They say mostly that the
[00:14:26] TDA uses engages in human trafficking
[00:14:28] and smuggling and and and really uh
[00:14:31] using migrants to their own ends and
[00:14:34] does very little drug trafficking
[00:14:37] that the so it undercuts the Trump
[00:14:39] administration's argument about
[00:14:41] naroterrorism completely. Furthermore,
[00:14:43] and I'll just add in terms of cartel
[00:14:45] roles, you know, I was looking back
[00:14:47] through these drug assessment reports
[00:14:49] for the past 15 years. Some of them
[00:14:51] aren't publicly available, but in the
[00:14:53] ones that were, and I looked at around a
[00:14:55] dozen or so, the cartel, do you know how
[00:14:57] many times it's mentioned? Zero times.
[00:15:00] Zero mentions at all over the past 15
[00:15:02] years. So clearly, this is not a cartel.
[00:15:05] It first of all, it's a cartel that
[00:15:07] doesn't exist. Secondly, it's not any
[00:15:09] sort of threat to the United States. So
[00:15:11] what we're seeing is kind of the
[00:15:13] political maneuvering by Marco Rubio and
[00:15:16] other hardliners that really are more
[00:15:19] interested in Cuba than Venezuela using
[00:15:22] this kind of rhetoric of crime and
[00:15:24] naroterrorism to push the United States
[00:15:27] into a conflict with Venezuela.
[00:15:29] >> Absolutely. And I think if the United
[00:15:31] States cared about the war on drugs, we
[00:15:33] wouldn't have had our US military
[00:15:37] members, our soldiers,
[00:15:39] you know, defending those uh poppy
[00:15:41] plants in Afghanistan. Um, and I I want
[00:15:45] to point out that Marco Rubio's
[00:15:47] pronouncements about being tough on
[00:15:49] drugs, you know, they really fall flat
[00:15:51] when we remember his own brother-in-law,
[00:15:54] Orlando Cecilia, was a cocaine drug lord
[00:15:57] who spent over 12 years in a Florida
[00:16:00] prison. So, you know, it's it's obvious
[00:16:04] that Washington has always wanted to
[00:16:07] gain back control over Venezuela's uh
[00:16:09] oil and Venezuela's incredible uh
[00:16:12] mineral wealth. Of course, we know that
[00:16:15] this includes the largest proven oil
[00:16:17] reserves in the world, but also
[00:16:18] significant deposits of iron, natural
[00:16:20] gas, gold, and diamonds, and other
[00:16:24] minerals that are used for the uh for
[00:16:26] military equipment.
[00:16:29] And so Allan um you know there is
[00:16:31] obviously a huge undertone to all this
[00:16:34] which is that the US with that the US's
[00:16:36] history of trying to provoke regime
[00:16:39] change in Venezuela. Could you first
[00:16:42] tell us what Marco Rubio has said about
[00:16:46] Venezuela and then kind of give us a
[00:16:48] history of the United States provoking
[00:16:51] regime change?
[00:16:54] >> Yeah, sure. So, Marco Rubio is a
[00:16:56] Cuban-American Secretary uh of state and
[00:16:59] he has really been a hardliner on
[00:17:01] Venezuela for his entire career like so
[00:17:04] many Cubanameans uh have.
[00:17:07] Um we know what uh Rubio was doing in
[00:17:10] the first Trump administration from
[00:17:12] books like uh Mark Esper's tell all book
[00:17:15] that came out. Mark Esper was the
[00:17:17] defense secretary under Trump. You can
[00:17:18] also read National Security Adviser,
[00:17:21] John Bolton's book, The Room Where It
[00:17:22] Happens. And basically what came out of
[00:17:26] that it was that Rubio was one of the
[00:17:28] super hawks uh in the cabinet really
[00:17:30] pushing for regime change even pushing
[00:17:33] for a potential military invasion of
[00:17:36] Venezuela. Uh we might remember in 2020
[00:17:40] the uh United States tried to launch a
[00:17:43] series of coups um trying to push Juan
[00:17:46] Guyaido into the uh Mira Flores
[00:17:48] presidential palace. During that time,
[00:17:50] Rubio was really one of the strongest
[00:17:53] supporters of that and he was probably
[00:17:54] the brains behind it. You might even
[00:17:56] remember him tweeting pictures of um uh
[00:18:00] Gaddafi being uh lynched and uh
[00:18:03] sodomized to Nicholas Maduro at the
[00:18:05] time. So he was putting that out in a
[00:18:07] public forum, you know, snuff pictures
[00:18:09] basically uh trying to intimidate uh a
[00:18:13] government and a foreign official in
[00:18:15] that way. So Rubio, yeah, he's, you
[00:18:18] know, one of these uh the real
[00:18:20] hardliners. I did call him a mastermind,
[00:18:22] but you know, frankly, it's it's clear
[00:18:25] that he doesn't really understand a lot
[00:18:26] about Venezuela. There was one time when
[00:18:28] I remember he was on uh social media
[00:18:31] talking about how uh the socialist
[00:18:33] government is um is falling and and a
[00:18:36] reason for this is because the uh the
[00:18:39] dam in Venezuela had been uh destroyed.
[00:18:42] but he'd completely misunderstood uh the
[00:18:45] article and actually the uh the
[00:18:47] journalist who wrote it came in and said
[00:18:49] actually that's not at all what
[00:18:50] happened. My name is Kamandam you've
[00:18:53] completely misunderstood what's going on
[00:18:55] here and yeah I mean he's he's a
[00:18:57] ridiculous figure in so many ways. Um
[00:18:59] but he is pretty typical for uh the US
[00:19:02] whether it's Democrat or Republican in
[00:19:05] the administration.
[00:19:07] Before 1998 and the election of uh Hugo
[00:19:10] Chavez, Venezuela was actually one of
[00:19:12] the US's key allies in the region and it
[00:19:15] was doing whatever it was told.
[00:19:17] Basically, it would pump oil whenever
[00:19:19] the United States told it to to keep the
[00:19:21] prices nice and low. But all of that
[00:19:23] changed when Chavez was elected. And uh
[00:19:26] pretty quickly he realized that the
[00:19:29] minerals wealth of Venezuela really had
[00:19:31] to be directed towards uh benefiting the
[00:19:34] people of Venezuela. And that put him
[00:19:36] right in the crosshairs of the United
[00:19:38] States. And so really I have to say for
[00:19:40] the last quarter of a century there
[00:19:42] hasn't been a day when the United States
[00:19:44] hasn't been trying to overthrow the
[00:19:46] government of Venezuela. We saw them uh
[00:19:50] greenlight a coup in 2002 where the US
[00:19:52] ambassador, I think his name was Charles
[00:19:54] Shapiro, was actually at the
[00:19:56] headquarters of the coup. The NE and
[00:19:59] USAD, these shadowy uh government
[00:20:02] organizations that uh funnel money to
[00:20:05] political organizations all over the
[00:20:07] world have very deep footprints in
[00:20:09] Venezuela, sponsoring so many opposition
[00:20:12] groups, whether that's political,
[00:20:14] social, uh economic, nos, everything. Uh
[00:20:18] they've been sponsoring, yeah, the
[00:20:20] Venezuelan opposition for many decades
[00:20:22] now. The US refused to recognize the
[00:20:26] 2013 elections which saw Maduro come to
[00:20:28] power. Uh they were the only country in
[00:20:31] the world actually that refused to
[00:20:32] recognize these elections. So the US
[00:20:34] stood in splendid isolation. And then as
[00:20:37] uh we were talking about earlier under
[00:20:39] the Obama administration since uh March
[00:20:42] 2015, the United States has formerly
[00:20:44] been under a state of emergency
[00:20:46] supposedly because of the extraordinary
[00:20:48] threat Venezuela poses to the United
[00:20:51] States. And what these sanctions, which
[00:20:53] should really be called a blockade or
[00:20:55] unilateral coercive measures, mean is
[00:20:57] that they've basically been trying to
[00:20:59] destroy the isan uh Venezuelan economy.
[00:21:01] And even though they haven't been able
[00:21:03] to overthrow the government, they have
[00:21:04] had uh significant success in uh making
[00:21:07] the people of Venezuela suffer. But that
[00:21:10] was really turned up to 11 when Trump
[00:21:12] was elected in 2016. Trump, as we know,
[00:21:16] uh supported Juan Guyaido. He green lit
[00:21:19] the ridiculous Operation Gideon, often
[00:21:22] called the Bay of Piglets, where um
[00:21:25] former US Green Berets led a group of
[00:21:28] mostly Colombian mercenaries to try to
[00:21:30] shoot their way uh into the presidential
[00:21:33] palace and install Juan Guyaido as a a
[00:21:36] dictator. They supported this ridiculous
[00:21:38] um parallel government. And they've also
[00:21:40] been engaging in incredible acts of
[00:21:43] international piracy trying to um uh
[00:21:46] take Venezuelan vessels uh from open
[00:21:49] seas and um and uh seize the cargo
[00:21:52] there. The Bank of England famously uh
[00:21:55] seized nearly $2 billion worth of
[00:21:57] Venezuelan gold and uh basically
[00:21:59] transferred it to the parallel
[00:22:00] government led by Guyaido. So there is
[00:22:03] this very long history going back almost
[00:22:06] from day one uh in Venezuela of the
[00:22:08] United States trying to overthrow the
[00:22:10] country and that's the critical backdrop
[00:22:12] which pretty much none of the corporate
[00:22:14] media outlets uh that you read about
[00:22:17] Venezuela ever fill you in on. And so
[00:22:19] the public are just generally uh none
[00:22:22] the wiser on what's actually happening
[00:22:23] in the country.
[00:22:25] >> Absolutely. I mean, the media
[00:22:26] specializes in not providing any sort of
[00:22:28] historical context to US sabotage of
[00:22:30] other countries so that they can
[00:22:32] continue to manufacture consent for
[00:22:34] these regime change wars. Um, but it
[00:22:38] seems like the people in Venezuela are
[00:22:39] not backing down. They're uniting more
[00:22:41] than ever. Diego, Diego, we talked a
[00:22:43] little bit about um this uh militia
[00:22:46] that's being formed of nearly 8 million
[00:22:48] people. Just a really incredible number,
[00:22:51] but it really shouldn't surprise people.
[00:22:53] We have a country that is dedicated to
[00:22:56] to defending their country. I mean, and
[00:22:58] I mean, if you think about it, if we had
[00:23:00] a threat here in the United States where
[00:23:03] a foreign government or foreign military
[00:23:05] was about to invade here, we would have
[00:23:08] a, you know, military that would
[00:23:11] organize and we'd have probably citizens
[00:23:13] join the military to support and defend
[00:23:16] their country. So, it's not at all
[00:23:18] surprising that that number is at 8
[00:23:20] million right now. Um, could you tell us
[00:23:23] more about these militias, Diego, and
[00:23:26] what their role is and how seriously
[00:23:28] Venezuela is taking this threat of a US
[00:23:31] invasion?
[00:23:33] >> Well, you know, militia has been a
[00:23:35] component of the armed forces ever since
[00:23:37] the commandantes years since chavis have
[00:23:40] been was formed.
[00:23:43] I'm not sure maybe lon can help me with
[00:23:45] this one but I think it was around 2011
[00:23:47] or 12 or even before but during the the
[00:23:50] early decade and um as another component
[00:23:53] of the armed forces I mean that was
[00:23:56] during those years and it and it had
[00:23:58] also yeah a territorial role and
[00:24:01] sometimes they have secondary uh roles
[00:24:04] in many aspects in security aspects of
[00:24:06] organizing and social engagement ever
[00:24:08] since it's not an it's not as kinetic,
[00:24:13] let's call it that way, as other
[00:24:15] components of course of the of the armed
[00:24:17] forces, but it has been there ever
[00:24:19] since.
[00:24:20] So, and the rational behind it is quite
[00:24:23] clear and also it has been clearly
[00:24:25] stated also by our president recently.
[00:24:27] He said if something gets to happen,
[00:24:29] we're going to have a republic in arms,
[00:24:31] which of course this has to do also with
[00:24:33] an asymmetric approach to to the threats
[00:24:37] that we're dealing with regarding the US
[00:24:39] and regarding also because you can't
[00:24:42] like dealing one from the other of the
[00:24:45] internal threats. We since the last
[00:24:48] election, the presidential elections
[00:24:49] last year in July the 28th on,
[00:24:54] our interior minister I was told couple
[00:24:57] of weeks ago in one of those press
[00:24:59] conference showing one of the recent one
[00:25:01] one of these terrorist plots that was
[00:25:03] foiled in which involves by the way uh
[00:25:06] Albanian Narco clans who operate from
[00:25:09] Ecuador
[00:25:10] US mercenaries and other from other
[00:25:12] places and extremist extremist factions
[00:25:15] of the Venezuelan opposition
[00:25:19] which you have to think about that
[00:25:22] especially now when they're trying to
[00:25:23] mix one thing with the other as And what
[00:25:27] about if there was some sort of
[00:25:29] upheaval, some sort of turmoil going on
[00:25:32] inside Venezuela when this all this
[00:25:35] frailia all this task force arrived into
[00:25:38] near our shores. It kind of you know and
[00:25:42] it and it's something that's not uh that
[00:25:44] has happened before. It happened in 2015
[00:25:46] 2016 with a criminal insurgency that was
[00:25:49] brewing during those days. Right after
[00:25:51] that it cames that we had one of the
[00:25:53] most violent and unconventional
[00:25:54] warfare/colorcoded
[00:25:56] revolution attempt back in that year. So
[00:26:00] timing and pacing I think it's essential
[00:26:03] here. Well, that also explains the role
[00:26:05] of people who are actually ingrained in
[00:26:07] their own communities, in their own
[00:26:08] territories, who knows everyone, who
[00:26:11] knows also uh the the land and the
[00:26:16] security demands it has in order to make
[00:26:18] a even more comprehensive and thorough
[00:26:21] approach to security in all levels.
[00:26:23] That's basically the rational behind it.
[00:26:25] Of course, it also has the classics
[00:26:27] elements such as, you know, popular
[00:26:30] prolonged warfare like Maui style and
[00:26:33] that kind of uh documentation, let's
[00:26:35] call it that way, that kind of doctrine.
[00:26:38] But it's always it has been ingrained in
[00:26:40] in the national defense doctrine ever
[00:26:42] since.
[00:26:45] And yeah, I think that it's important to
[00:26:48] they all I mean they also have to some
[00:26:50] extent also have intelligence roles and
[00:26:52] they have social intelligence role. I
[00:26:54] mean they're not part of the security
[00:26:56] system itself but there are always
[00:26:58] people who are well you know intelligent
[00:27:00] social intelligence people knowing
[00:27:03] what's weird what's going on around
[00:27:05] their own surroundings and being able to
[00:27:07] report and to and to seriously this is
[00:27:11] important assess what the nature of
[00:27:14] those threats that we're talking about
[00:27:16] because that's also part of the of the
[00:27:18] equation let's call it that way. So
[00:27:21] that's basically its role ever since and
[00:27:24] um so now basically what we've seen is
[00:27:27] just a big mobilization towards uh
[00:27:31] raising the numbers even higher and I
[00:27:34] might add this also and I think it has
[00:27:36] also a psychological effect a deterrent
[00:27:39] effect I might add and I think this also
[00:27:42] plays out in how the psychological
[00:27:45] sphere of this moment plays out if there
[00:27:48] wasn't this kind of response the last
[00:27:52] couple of weeks probably the US
[00:27:54] assessment regarding how easy how slam
[00:27:56] donkeyish was to
[00:27:59] intimidate to find some breaking point
[00:28:02] inside Venezuela would have been it
[00:28:05] would have been more obvious and it
[00:28:06] isn't because of this I think
[00:28:09] >> well I think a lot of people oh go ahead
[00:28:12] >> among I would just add among other
[00:28:14] aspects of course but that's that's a
[00:28:16] that's an essential work
[00:28:19] left with that question.
[00:28:21] >> Okay. And and um I appreciate you
[00:28:24] explaining that. I think a lot of people
[00:28:25] are curious, you know, uh why now? You
[00:28:28] know, why is Trump doing this right now?
[00:28:31] Like what is it about this moment? And
[00:28:33] so, Leonardo, um I'm curious to know
[00:28:36] what is your assessment on the situation
[00:28:38] and why do you think Trump is trying to
[00:28:40] invade Venezuela right now and do you
[00:28:43] think that they will actually follow
[00:28:45] through?
[00:28:46] Yeah, I mean I think it's interesting
[00:28:48] because right now there's a very clear
[00:28:50] divide within the Trump administration.
[00:28:52] On the one hand, you have this kind of
[00:28:53] faction of MAGA isolationist types who
[00:28:56] don't want necessarily see a conflict in
[00:28:58] Venezuela. And that kind faction is
[00:29:00] right now spearheaded by Richard Grenell
[00:29:02] who among other things is Trump's
[00:29:04] special envoy for Venezuela. And it was
[00:29:06] thanks to this faction that the United
[00:29:08] States and Venezuela came to an
[00:29:10] agreement pretty recently, less than
[00:29:11] about a little bit over a month ago to
[00:29:13] not only give Chevron a new oil license,
[00:29:16] but to free the 256 Venezuelans who were
[00:29:19] held hostage in the Salvador and torture
[00:29:21] prison and to reunite some Venezuelan
[00:29:24] children with their families. So the
[00:29:27] other side of the coin though is the
[00:29:29] Marco Rubio faction, the neocons who
[00:29:31] really have had their eyes set on
[00:29:33] Venezuela for decades as Allan was
[00:29:35] saying and they have been push they were
[00:29:38] first of all they were pushing against
[00:29:39] this Chevron license from the beginning.
[00:29:41] In fact, at one point Trump called uh
[00:29:44] the Congress people from South Florida
[00:29:46] crazy Cubans because they were
[00:29:47] threatening to derail his big beautiful
[00:29:49] bill if they if Trump gave Chevron a
[00:29:53] license. So he didn't give them a
[00:29:55] license until after the bill had passed.
[00:29:57] But instead of giving instead of denying
[00:29:59] a license, what he did was allow this uh
[00:30:02] military deployment to the Caribbean and
[00:30:04] ter. So that's one of the reasons why
[00:30:06] now it's because there's this fighting
[00:30:07] infighting within the Trump
[00:30:09] administration. Another big reason is,
[00:30:11] you know, we're seeing Trump use the
[00:30:13] rhetoric of crime not just against
[00:30:14] Venezuela, but internally in the United
[00:30:16] States. He's not only deployed National
[00:30:18] Guard and ICE throughout Washington DC,
[00:30:20] but he's threatened to do it in Chicago,
[00:30:22] Baltimore, New Orleans, many other
[00:30:24] cities. That goes along with what we're
[00:30:28] seeing in Venezuela. And part of it and
[00:30:30] I and I think, you know, I was at a I
[00:30:32] live in Washington DC and I was at a
[00:30:33] rally last week just to against this
[00:30:36] occupation of Washington DC and I saw
[00:30:38] dozens and dozens of signs linking the
[00:30:40] occupation of DC to the Epstein case.
[00:30:43] Right. So I think that is plays a role
[00:30:46] as well in trying to uh change the topic
[00:30:49] of conversation from Epstein to crime
[00:30:51] and to Venezuela and to anything else
[00:30:54] that could stick. I don't know that an
[00:30:57] invasion is eminent. You know to invade
[00:30:58] Venezuela, they're definitely going to
[00:31:00] need more than the 5,000 Marines that
[00:31:01] are on board these ships and more than
[00:31:03] the pe the Marines that are training
[00:31:04] Puerto Rico. They're really going to
[00:31:06] need help from Colombia and Brazil and
[00:31:09] from the regional bases they have all
[00:31:10] around. Right now, those conditions
[00:31:12] don't exist. But that's not to say that
[00:31:14] there is no danger, right? The danger is
[00:31:17] that the Trump administration is going
[00:31:19] to start bombing inside Venezuela as
[00:31:20] they just said that they've been
[00:31:22] discussing over the past week. And then
[00:31:24] at that point, we would see Venezuela
[00:31:26] respond and something could escalate and
[00:31:27] go out of control. To me, the reason or
[00:31:30] at least one of the big reasons that
[00:31:31] they deployed uh the fleet was to cause
[00:31:34] kind of a psychological break within the
[00:31:36] Venezuelan people and and more
[00:31:37] specifically within the Venezuelan armed
[00:31:39] forces. Because when we saw these ships
[00:31:42] first arrive, if you looked at social
[00:31:44] media in Venezuela, there were they were
[00:31:45] saying things like, "Oh, now is the time
[00:31:47] for the people to for the people in the
[00:31:48] armed forces to rise up against Maludo."
[00:31:50] And they do this pretty regularly, but
[00:31:53] you see the traffic spike when some when
[00:31:56] the US is planning something. So they're
[00:31:58] trying to get all these generals to flip
[00:32:00] and it didn't happen. They're trying to
[00:32:02] get the Venezuelan people to really rise
[00:32:04] up against their government and it
[00:32:06] didn't happen. Instead, the opposite has
[00:32:08] happened, right? We've seen the armed
[00:32:10] forces in Venezuela become more cohesive
[00:32:13] and we're, as Diego mentioned, we've
[00:32:15] seen, you know, the people take more
[00:32:17] significant role in the defense of the
[00:32:18] nation through the militias.
[00:32:22] >> Alan, uh, what do you think of
[00:32:23] Leonardo's assessment?
[00:32:26] >> Yeah, I think he's pretty much on point.
[00:32:28] Ultimately, if they've only got 4,500
[00:32:31] uh servicemen as uh what has been
[00:32:34] reported in the media, that's simply not
[00:32:36] enough to stage some sort of large-scale
[00:32:39] invasion of a country that is uh you
[00:32:41] know much larger than uh you know uh
[00:32:45] it's not some like little place that you
[00:32:47] can take over. In fact, 4,500 troops
[00:32:49] might not even be enough to subdue
[00:32:51] Chicago. Who knows? Um my sense is
[00:32:54] probably that this is an operation to
[00:32:56] try to put pressure on Venezuela and see
[00:32:59] what happens. You know, put pressure on
[00:33:01] the structure. Will cracks emerge? Will
[00:33:04] generals, for example, try to defect?
[00:33:07] Will there be mass panic? Um, the United
[00:33:10] States of course has spent decades
[00:33:12] trying to penetrate the Venezuelan armed
[00:33:14] forces, particularly the officer corps,
[00:33:16] and try to peel off uh people there, try
[00:33:19] to find allies within uh the movement
[00:33:21] that could potentially do its dirty work
[00:33:23] for it. But yeah, it's not clear that
[00:33:26] that's actually going to happen. And
[00:33:28] it's also clear that this is obviously
[00:33:30] not about drugs, as Leonardo has made
[00:33:33] clear as well. Um, I don't think it was
[00:33:35] the last time. I think two times ago
[00:33:37] when I was in Venezuela, I spoke to
[00:33:38] someone in the government, uh, William
[00:33:40] Castillo. And normally we talk about the
[00:33:43] Republicans and the Democrats as being
[00:33:46] two sides of the same coin. They're
[00:33:48] basically the same one party state, but
[00:33:50] he said for Venezuelans, there is
[00:33:53] actually a bit of a difference. And
[00:33:54] generally, the Democrats don't favor the
[00:33:56] sort of invasion of Venezuela. they
[00:33:58] prefer the sort of sanctions and the NGO
[00:34:01] uh the u way of trying to change the
[00:34:03] society. But uh people like Trump and
[00:34:06] the people he surrounded himself are
[00:34:08] real hardliners. You know in Trump's
[00:34:10] first administration he uh reportedly
[00:34:13] said that it would be quote cool to
[00:34:15] invade Venezuela because quote it's
[00:34:17] really part of the United States end
[00:34:19] quote. So that's the sort of mentality
[00:34:22] Trump has. you know, go in, bash him on
[00:34:25] the head, take the oil.
[00:34:27] Who knows what's going to happen when
[00:34:29] tensions rise. There could be um
[00:34:31] misgivings, there could be
[00:34:32] misunderstandings, and something
[00:34:34] terrible could happen. But I would say
[00:34:36] that if the United States does uh try to
[00:34:40] um engineer an uh a regime change
[00:34:43] operation in Venezuela and it is
[00:34:45] successful, I would predict that we will
[00:34:49] see a massive spike in drug production
[00:34:51] in Venezuela. Because if you look at
[00:34:54] what happened in Afghanistan in the
[00:34:55] 1980s, the United States wanted to
[00:34:58] overthrow a leftist government in
[00:35:01] Afghanistan. They did it by funding uh
[00:35:05] ultra reactionary uh conservative
[00:35:07] Islamists like Osama bin Laden and they
[00:35:10] allowed the mujahedin to uh control the
[00:35:13] opium trade making uh Afghanistan the
[00:35:16] world center for opium production
[00:35:19] in Nicaragua in the 80s. The United
[00:35:21] States tried to overthrow the leftist
[00:35:23] government there. They sponsored the
[00:35:25] Contras who were deeply involved in the
[00:35:28] cocaine trade, flooding the United
[00:35:30] States uh with cocaine. Um in Bolivia,
[00:35:33] the Bolivia uh the government in the
[00:35:35] 2000s kicked out the drug enforcement
[00:35:38] agency and uh cocaine production dropped
[00:35:41] off a cliff there. So when we see the
[00:35:44] United States getting more involved uh
[00:35:46] in the so-called war against drugs, time
[00:35:49] after time, we see drug production
[00:35:50] actually going up. So that would be my
[00:35:52] prediction. Uh apart from that, I'm I
[00:35:55] don't want to place any bets on what
[00:35:57] Trump is actually thinking. But I I
[00:35:59] think Leonardo hit the nail on the head.
[00:36:02] >> Absolutely. Yeah, you know, just
[00:36:04] listening to everybody and just un, you
[00:36:06] know, because of us report press
[00:36:08] reporting on this issue for such a long
[00:36:10] time and myself and Allan have having
[00:36:13] visited Venezuela, a lot of the
[00:36:15] destabilization efforts that the United
[00:36:17] States has put on Venezuela seem to be
[00:36:20] coming from the same playbook uh
[00:36:23] borrowed from other countries the United
[00:36:26] States has tried to destabilize and
[00:36:28] overthrow their governments uh similar
[00:36:31] to Venezuela like that in Syria. Iraq
[00:36:33] and Libya. Diego, do you agree with that
[00:36:36] assessment?
[00:36:38] >> No, absolutely. I mean, and you can even
[00:36:41] there's like let's call it this kind of
[00:36:43] crosspollinization between one
[00:36:45] experience and the other one. I mean,
[00:36:46] each one enriches and outdates the next
[00:36:50] one. I mean, and actually this if you I
[00:36:54] mean there's a book by Greg Brandon for
[00:36:57] example called Empire's workshop.
[00:36:58] Basically, and the central premises of
[00:37:00] it is all these attempts, all these
[00:37:03] models that have been played out since
[00:37:05] the early 20th century in Latin Dominica
[00:37:08] are the ones that are used that are used
[00:37:10] afterwards somewhere else, including
[00:37:12] even dropping bombs in for World War I.
[00:37:14] I think it had to do with how they
[00:37:15] bombed in IP and and Dominican Republic
[00:37:18] in the early years of 20th century. Same
[00:37:21] with Nicaragua. And also talking about
[00:37:24] Syria when it all started it was the
[00:37:27] contra model. I mean this weird flip
[00:37:30] force that got involved between the
[00:37:32] protesters and the government and
[00:37:34] suddenly it started disappearing and
[00:37:36] killing people and and yeah except
[00:37:39] killing people that later on it turned
[00:37:42] out it was all these Wahhabi factions
[00:37:44] that were doing this. That's a contra
[00:37:46] model. And actually you had I forgot his
[00:37:49] name. Robert Ford the ambassador for the
[00:37:52] US there was number two for John Negro
[00:37:55] Ponte Honduras. So it's it's clearly it
[00:37:59] was a contraction back then. So yeah
[00:38:00] what I'm saying here is it's clearly
[00:38:01] connected and one experience brings to
[00:38:04] the other and
[00:38:06] perhaps the most the most obvious one
[00:38:08] the mo there are two obvious connections
[00:38:10] here. The first one is I mean in this
[00:38:13] empire toolbox which is one of them.
[00:38:15] It's um the Nora experience for once
[00:38:20] which is it has a different context and
[00:38:22] a different evolution but of course uh
[00:38:24] they actually got to arrest the guy
[00:38:27] inside of Panama after bombing the crap
[00:38:30] out of Panama.
[00:38:32] And um but the other one it's even
[00:38:34] closer to home to in time I mean which
[00:38:37] is the WMD 20038 thing. I mean they're
[00:38:40] just exploiting a figment of imagination
[00:38:44] but there is a precedent here s the same
[00:38:46] as it as it was in regarding Iraq that
[00:38:50] eventually at some point they did have
[00:38:52] although they dismantled uh chemical uh
[00:38:55] weapons program and even before that
[00:38:57] they had like nuclear plants in 82 that
[00:39:00] was actually you know was bombed by
[00:39:02] Israel back then but um in this case
[00:39:07] uh and I'm picking up what Alan was
[00:39:10] saying regarding the drug trade Venez
[00:39:16] during the 80s and the 90s actually
[00:39:19] there was a major cocaine supply coming
[00:39:22] from Venezuela ran by the anti-drugs
[00:39:25] star in Venezuela was that brigade there
[00:39:28] general from the national guard
[00:39:34] yeah
[00:39:36] who was actually at some point he was
[00:39:37] indicted because he was trying to send a
[00:39:40] ton and a half of cocaine after he was
[00:39:42] already doing it a long time with the
[00:39:44] help of the CIA. It was the DA caught
[00:39:46] him afterwards. There's even a 60
[00:39:49] minutes Max
[00:39:51] posted the other day on Twitter. Max
[00:39:53] Blumenthal. We were talking about it in
[00:39:55] before and um it shows precisely what
[00:39:59] they were doing, what some security
[00:40:04] personnel in Venezuela was actually
[00:40:05] doing, collaborating, sending cocaine to
[00:40:07] the US in the '9s, just like in
[00:40:09] Nicaragua, just like in Bolivia. So that
[00:40:11] also stops. That's a moment, that's the
[00:40:14] actual origin of El Cartel de Solo in
[00:40:17] singular back then. It was a name that
[00:40:20] disappeared suddenly. But it was in 2005
[00:40:23] when Venezuela cut ties with the DEA
[00:40:25] that it reappeared in a Miami Herald
[00:40:28] piece by an unnamed top diplomat in the
[00:40:32] country, which is easily to deduce it
[00:40:34] was William Brownfield, of course. But
[00:40:37] so there's this I mean the cartel de
[00:40:40] loses
[00:40:42] tag comes from a CIA creation back in
[00:40:45] the 90s during well
[00:40:49] while they were funding themselves with
[00:40:51] cocaine trader and then sending cocaine
[00:40:53] to Florida
[00:40:55] cocaine that was indicted in Venezuela.
[00:40:58] So you have that element there and then
[00:41:00] and then of course it took a life of
[00:41:02] itself life a life of its own throughout
[00:41:04] the years but that connection I think
[00:41:06] it's important the same with oil the
[00:41:09] same which is far more obvious I mean
[00:41:12] because the other things is a narrative
[00:41:14] element but also the way the
[00:41:16] unrestrained
[00:41:17] oil supply that they had back then
[00:41:22] it changed when Venezuela had the world
[00:41:24] sovereign government and started to
[00:41:26] regulate the oil supply and opening
[00:41:29] their opening our
[00:41:32] offer to partners around the world and
[00:41:34] not an exclusive relationship with the
[00:41:35] US. So this is also part of it and part
[00:41:38] of of the of the problem. Now, regarding
[00:41:41] the other element, which is what could
[00:41:44] happen now, I also share the view of of
[00:41:48] both my friends here, Alan and Leonard.
[00:41:49] Look, and you won't with 4,000 marines,
[00:41:54] you're not going to do anything
[00:41:55] significant. But with,200
[00:41:57] Ages missiles, you could. I think that's
[00:42:00] the main danger here. And also because,
[00:42:03] like I was saying before, something also
[00:42:05] didn't add up. the 4,000 Marines could
[00:42:09] make sense if there was some internal
[00:42:11] strife going on or some army insurgency
[00:42:14] being successful inside Venezuela which
[00:42:16] is not happening. So regardless at this
[00:42:20] moment in time where it's September the
[00:42:23] 10th
[00:42:25] it's more about fearongering and trying
[00:42:27] to find to reach some breaking point in
[00:42:30] order to see if the government collapses
[00:42:31] of the soldiers or or society rise up or
[00:42:35] whatever. Now that they're in social
[00:42:37] media, you can see people already
[00:42:38] wanting to do the Nepal thing, you know,
[00:42:41] but it's at this point it's still just
[00:42:44] there. But it does do some harm
[00:42:46] economically. Of course, this has been
[00:42:48] one of the best months in regarding oil
[00:42:52] supply and oil sales from Venezuela. And
[00:42:55] you can't uh disconnect one thing from
[00:42:58] the other one. So there's also a rush
[00:43:00] here in order to not allow Venezuela to
[00:43:03] even recover even more because when you
[00:43:05] were here man in 2021 things were
[00:43:07] improving already but things are are
[00:43:09] better now.
[00:43:11] >> I mean it's not that they are not
[00:43:13] problems we have major issues still and
[00:43:15] we still when we're still on the
[00:43:17] sanctions program but um things are
[00:43:20] better than they were before. So that's
[00:43:23] also I think a reason that that they're
[00:43:24] pushing this and there's another one.
[00:43:27] You can think of Marco Rubio now as the
[00:43:29] most dangerous president in the world
[00:43:30] even more dangerous than Netanyahu and
[00:43:32] actually one of the most powerful
[00:43:34] persons in the world as well because
[00:43:36] he's has a dual and not a dual a triple
[00:43:40] uh score there. He is his state
[00:43:42] department I mean he's the the state
[00:43:45] secretary. He is the national security
[00:43:49] adviser interim
[00:43:51] and he also is the main interventor of
[00:43:54] USAD.
[00:43:56] So he has like three very important
[00:43:59] power structures that actually deal with
[00:44:01] this kind of things in a moment that you
[00:44:03] know the world is going kind of bonkers.
[00:44:04] Think about Nepal. Think about the the
[00:44:07] the
[00:44:09] armed confrontation in Cambodian
[00:44:10] Thailand a few months ago a few weeks
[00:44:13] ago. Think about all this going on
[00:44:15] precisely at this moment and I and he
[00:44:17] knows he can might be running out of
[00:44:19] time. He know he could lose Trump's ear
[00:44:21] at any given time and lose whatever. So
[00:44:24] this is his opportunity and that's why
[00:44:26] he's pushing so hard.
[00:44:29] >> That's a really interesting uh analysis
[00:44:31] about you know the world is in just
[00:44:33] chaos right now and uh this is Trump's
[00:44:36] moment to do what he needs to do in
[00:44:39] Venezuela. I think a lot of people um
[00:44:43] are curious to know is, you know, why
[00:44:46] does the United States care so much
[00:44:47] about overthrowing Venezuela? And I
[00:44:49] think we answered that in different ways
[00:44:51] um throughout this conversation. And
[00:44:54] maybe one of the most obvious ones is
[00:44:56] that the United States and you know,
[00:44:58] companies like Exxon Mobile want access
[00:45:00] to Venezuela's oil. Um, but another
[00:45:03] aspect is that Venezuela holds this
[00:45:05] massive mineral reserve that the
[00:45:09] military industrial complex wants to get
[00:45:11] a hold of. The same kind of min minerals
[00:45:13] that are fueling our our tick or our
[00:45:16] tech industry. Um, for the same reason
[00:45:20] why Congo has been uh the victim of
[00:45:23] modern-day colonialism.
[00:45:26] And so then we also have, you know, the
[00:45:28] fact that Venezuela is building trade
[00:45:31] agreements with countries like Iran,
[00:45:34] countries like China and Russia, and
[00:45:36] it's giving them access to the oil and
[00:45:38] the minerals and not the United States.
[00:45:40] But also because Venezuela was kind of
[00:45:43] pushed in a corner, sanctioned and
[00:45:45] didn't really have much of a choice
[00:45:47] other than to create these economic
[00:45:50] ties. Leonardo, can you expand on those
[00:45:53] points?
[00:45:55] Yeah, I mean I think we first have to
[00:45:58] look back to when Venezuela was first
[00:45:59] sanctioned, and that was 2006 by the
[00:46:01] Bush administration that imposed a
[00:46:03] sanction on weapon sales. Up to that
[00:46:05] point, as Allen and as Diego were
[00:46:07] saying, uh, in the up to the '90s when
[00:46:10] Chaveis was elected, Venezuela was a
[00:46:12] very close ally of the United States and
[00:46:14] basically bought almost its entire
[00:46:16] weapon systems from the United States.
[00:46:18] So when Bush does that, it forces
[00:46:20] Venezuela to go to other countries for
[00:46:23] its military needs. And one of the
[00:46:25] things about that particular sanction
[00:46:26] was that it it didn't allow any US
[00:46:28] components, which most NATO countries
[00:46:30] that deal in weapons use US components
[00:46:32] in one way or another, forcing Venezuela
[00:46:34] basically to buy from China, from
[00:46:36] Russia, and from Iran. So that it's it's
[00:46:39] basically the United States kind of
[00:46:40] shooting itself in the foot and creating
[00:46:42] these conditions to have some sort of
[00:46:45] adversary in South America when
[00:46:46] Venezuela doesn't has doesn't want to
[00:46:48] view that relationship with US as
[00:46:50] necessarily an adversarial one. And when
[00:46:52] we look at why the United States is
[00:46:54] going after Venezuela, you mentioned it,
[00:46:56] right? It's go, it's oil, it's minerals,
[00:46:58] it's gold, it's all these resources.
[00:47:00] Laura Richardson, who was the head of
[00:47:02] Southern Command, um, a couple of years
[00:47:04] ago, she did this really notorious
[00:47:06] interview in which she basically listed
[00:47:09] all of the resources that are in South
[00:47:11] America and said that the United States
[00:47:12] has to do whatever it can to get access
[00:47:15] to those minerals and resources. So this
[00:47:17] is a long-term plan to take control not
[00:47:19] just of of Venezuela's oil but its rare
[00:47:21] earth mineral oils, its boxite, its
[00:47:23] gold, its water, whatever you want. The
[00:47:25] thing is when Venezuela n reationalized
[00:47:28] its oil industry under Tabes, it didn't
[00:47:30] kick out the United States companies,
[00:47:32] right? Chevron all has stayed in
[00:47:34] Venezuela. Chevron's been in Venezuela
[00:47:35] for over a hundred years if I'm not
[00:47:37] mistaken. But Exxon left and Exxon left
[00:47:40] because they didn't like the deal and
[00:47:41] they sued Venezuela for about 10 billion
[00:47:43] dollars in these international courts
[00:47:45] and they won an award of about a billion
[00:47:48] and a half dollars and since then Exxon
[00:47:50] has had uh painted a target on Venezuela
[00:47:53] and what we're seeing now is some of
[00:47:55] those the Exxon's labor comes to
[00:47:57] fruition because Exxon has heavily
[00:47:59] invested in Guyana and Venezuela and
[00:48:02] Guyana have a border and they have a
[00:48:03] border dispute that dates back to
[00:48:05] colonial times and now Exxon is using
[00:48:07] this border dispute to kind of push
[00:48:10] Venezuela onto a confrontation with the
[00:48:12] United States. We have to remember that
[00:48:14] the president of Exxon at one point was
[00:48:16] Rex Tillerson and he was invested
[00:48:19] heavily in Guyana right before he then
[00:48:21] becomes Trump's first secretary of
[00:48:24] state. And then Rex Tillerson as as
[00:48:26] Secretary of State is one of the very
[00:48:28] first ones in the Trump administration
[00:48:30] to threaten a war on Venezuela to say
[00:48:32] that if there's a coup in Venezuela, the
[00:48:33] United States would welcome it. And so
[00:48:35] we see all the paper trail that really
[00:48:37] heads to Exxon trying to ferment and
[00:48:39] trying to push for some sort of conflict
[00:48:41] with Venezuela. So resources and control
[00:48:43] of resources is a big part of the story
[00:48:45] here. But another part of the story
[00:48:47] because it's not just oil. It's about
[00:48:49] geopolitical control. And since Chavis
[00:48:51] came into power, Venezuela has, you
[00:48:53] know, exercised an independent foreign
[00:48:54] policy. And that for the United States
[00:48:56] is a huge crime in terms of Latin
[00:48:58] America because any country that tries
[00:49:00] to exercise independence in a very real
[00:49:02] way becomes under the foot of the of the
[00:49:05] US government whether it's Cuba,
[00:49:07] Nicarawa, Venezuela, Bolivia, you name
[00:49:09] it. And so that kind of explains that
[00:49:11] it's not just oil because Cuba and
[00:49:12] Nicaragua don't have the resources that
[00:49:15] Venezuela has and yet they are under
[00:49:16] very similar pressures. So there's all
[00:49:18] these factors but yes, of course, oil
[00:49:20] and geopolitics are the two main ones.
[00:49:24] >> Absolutely. And I I I know we don't have
[00:49:25] a lot of time left, but I I want to end
[00:49:28] talking about uh Gaza because, you know,
[00:49:31] it's an it's a tragedy that's taking
[00:49:32] place before our eyes. It's being live
[00:49:34] streamed, a genocide um on our
[00:49:36] smartphones. And uh when I was in
[00:49:39] Karakas, I couldn't help but notice
[00:49:42] walking through the streets uh graffiti
[00:49:45] all over the streets of Karakas calling
[00:49:47] Netanyahu a baby killer and uh fists in
[00:49:52] solidarity with the people of Palestine.
[00:49:55] And from what I know, Hugo Chavez made
[00:49:58] Palestine a national cause for the
[00:50:01] people of Venezuela. You know, Venezuela
[00:50:05] has been resisting US imperialism on the
[00:50:09] international stage, not just from, you
[00:50:12] know, pushing back against sanctions,
[00:50:13] but standing on the right side of
[00:50:15] history and standing against US colonial
[00:50:19] and Israeli colonial projects, including
[00:50:22] Palestine. And so I want to talk about
[00:50:25] um how these two issues are
[00:50:28] fundamentally part of the same story.
[00:50:30] Alan, can you explain that to us?
[00:50:34] Oh yeah, it's all part of the same world
[00:50:36] system. They're so interconnected.
[00:50:39] Um last year I was speaking to the
[00:50:41] Palestinian ambassador in Caracus and he
[00:50:43] said that Venezuela was the leader of
[00:50:47] the world in terms of Palestinian
[00:50:49] solidarity. And as you said, Manar, if
[00:50:51] you go to Venezuela, you can really see
[00:50:53] this. You can see Palestinian murals
[00:50:56] everywhere, flags draped out there. Um
[00:50:59] there's uh yeah, as I said, murals of um
[00:51:02] uh famous Palestinian poets, writers,
[00:51:04] you'll even see uh people like Hassan
[00:51:07] Nala on the walls. And for the longest
[00:51:10] time, I mean, Hugo Chavez, as you said,
[00:51:12] made Palestine an issue. This was more
[00:51:14] than 15 years ago, he condemned uh
[00:51:16] Israel as a terrorist state and broke
[00:51:18] off relations uh with Israel. And you
[00:51:22] know even at the the last national
[00:51:24] elections when President Maduro cast his
[00:51:26] ballot and you know in front of all the
[00:51:28] TV cameras what did he say? He said long
[00:51:30] live free Palestine. That's what he
[00:51:32] decided to say in that you know 5-second
[00:51:35] sound bite where they would be played to
[00:51:37] the nation and be played all around the
[00:51:39] world. And on the other side of that,
[00:51:41] Maria Karina Machado, which was who was
[00:51:44] uh one of the the the leaders of the
[00:51:46] opposition in Venezuela, she said that
[00:51:48] uh our struggle is Israel's struggle.
[00:51:51] That's what her message was. So these
[00:51:53] things are really completely connected
[00:51:54] in the minds of people all around the
[00:51:56] world. And you see this in Latin America
[00:51:58] as well. If you see rallies for
[00:52:01] right-wing forces, if you watch like a
[00:52:03] Bsanaro rally, there's always the US
[00:52:05] flag and the Israeli flag there. And you
[00:52:08] know when in 2019 when uh the coup
[00:52:10] against Ebo Morales happened, Israel
[00:52:13] came out and immediately said this is a
[00:52:14] victory against anti-semitism in the
[00:52:17] world. What did he mean by that? I mean
[00:52:19] Israel is actually has a considerable
[00:52:22] impact in Latin America. I mean it
[00:52:24] trained right-wing death squads around
[00:52:27] the region. Um so much so that it's just
[00:52:30] become normalized. I mean, the president
[00:52:32] of Colombia, Juan, Manuel Santos, he
[00:52:35] actually did an ad for an Israeli
[00:52:37] mercenary firm while he was president
[00:52:40] and he appeared in that. That's how
[00:52:42] normalized the sort of um Israeli
[00:52:44] military footprint is in many places in
[00:52:47] Latin America. So, I mean, yeah, these
[00:52:50] are all interlin. We're talking about
[00:52:52] one part of the uh the global empire
[00:52:54] here and another place. But ultimately
[00:52:57] all oppressed peoples see themselves in
[00:52:59] Palestine and all oppressors see
[00:53:01] themselves in Israel. In fact, many
[00:53:04] Latin Americans even see Israel as a
[00:53:05] model, you know, a white settler
[00:53:07] colonial state. That's what they want to
[00:53:09] uh implant on their countries because
[00:53:11] Latin America is very racially diverse.
[00:53:13] But when we look at socially and on the
[00:53:16] class basis, the poor are mostly black
[00:53:18] and the black are mostly poor. And
[00:53:22] regardless of where you are, there's
[00:53:24] always a light-skinned elite in these
[00:53:26] countries. And so, yeah, the struggle
[00:53:28] against colonialism and empire is the
[00:53:30] same all around the world. And people in
[00:53:32] the global south understand that.
[00:53:35] >> One of the best trips and most memorable
[00:53:38] trips I took was to Venezuela in 2021.
[00:53:42] And I was extremely angered while I was
[00:53:45] there. I was inspired by the movement,
[00:53:48] but I was completely angered by the fact
[00:53:51] that the United States was sabotaging
[00:53:53] Venezuela in every way possible and
[00:53:56] trying to suffocate the people there
[00:53:58] through sanctions and preventing them
[00:54:00] from importing very basic parts uh for
[00:54:05] their machinery, for example, and
[00:54:08] preventing lifesaving medicine like
[00:54:11] diabetes medicine for the people in
[00:54:13] Venezuela that were suffering.
[00:54:15] Um, but I was also completely in awe at
[00:54:18] the kindness, the generosity, and the
[00:54:21] solidarity that people showed with the
[00:54:23] people of Palestine. You know, I was
[00:54:26] walking in Karacas with my hijab as a
[00:54:28] Palestinian, and I was like the only one
[00:54:30] who looked like that. And everyone was
[00:54:33] just giving me hugs and, you know,
[00:54:35] putting their fist up for Palestine. It
[00:54:37] was really beautiful to see. And so, it
[00:54:40] was just something I'll never forget.
[00:54:42] And so I thank you all for um all of the
[00:54:45] historical context that you provided and
[00:54:48] helping us understand the situation in
[00:54:51] Venezuela. But before we go, I just want
[00:54:53] to say one more time that Mint Press is
[00:54:57] in need of everybody's support who's
[00:54:59] listening to this and watching this
[00:55:01] segment. One of our main lines of
[00:55:03] funding has been cut. And so we did
[00:55:05] launch a campaign on Indiegogo. And
[00:55:08] please support us in any way that you
[00:55:10] can. We are in an emergency uh
[00:55:13] fundraising uh state right now. Thank
[00:55:16] you so much gentlemen for joining me
[00:55:18] today.
ℹ️ Document Details
SHA-256
yt_U7K2QBdI_QA
Dataset
youtube
Comments 0